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OUR BURMESE WARS 



DELATIONS WITH BURMA. 



OUR BURMESE WARS 

AND 

RELATIONS WITH BURMA: 



BEING AN ABSTRACT OF MILITARY 
AND POLITICAL OPERATIONS, 1824-25-26, and 1852-53. 

WITH VARIOUS 

LOCAL, STATISTICAL, AND COMMERCIAL INFORMATION, 

ANT> A SUMMARY OF EVENTS FROM 1826 TO 1879, INCLUDING A SKETCH 

OF KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 

COLONEL Wfrf ByLAURIE, 

AUTHOR OF " RANGOON," AND " PBGC," NARRATIVES OF THE 
SECOND BURMESE WAR. 



' As long as the sun shines in the Heavens, the British flag shall wave over those 
possessions."— Mabqttis of Dalhousie (1854). 

' Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim are British, and British they will remain for many- 
generations of men. We govern in order that you should live in peace, pro- 
sperity, and happiness."— Earl op Mayo, at Eangoon (1872). 



SECOND EDITION. 



LONDON: 

W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE, 

PALL MALL, S.W. 

PITBIilSHERS TO THE INDIA OFFICE. 

1885. 

(All rights reserved.) 



GENEEAIi SIE WILLIAM HILL, K.C.S.I., 

WHOSE GALLANT DErENCE OF PBGIT 

WILL EVER BE CONSIDERED ONE OF THE MOST REMARKABLE EVENTS 

IN THE HISTORY OF OUR BURMESE WARS, 

THIS VOLUME 

IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. 






a •:> 



GENERAL PEEEACE. 



It seems almost superfluous to ask the attention of 
intelligent Britons to a region little known among 
them, but one, most assuredly, that has " a greater 
future before it than any country in Asia." Expe- 
rience, however, has shown the necessity of so doing ; 
for if we do not yet nearly realise the immense in- 
terests we possess in our old and " loved India " — the 
most splendid dominion under the sun — ^how is it to 
be expected we should do so in our comparatively new 
portion of Chin-India ? That people often require to 
be reminded as well as informed, is another reason for 
the appearance of this volume, the greater portion of 
which is devoted to the operations of our Burmese|"Wars, 
and much of the remainder to the bright and hopeful 
effect. As regards the Military portion, the object of 
the present "Abstract" is two-fold. It is to supply the 
place of a new edition of the Author's former Narra- 
tives, by giving a considerable part of what seemed 



Vlll GENEEAL PEEFAOE. 

best worth preserving, and a few additional incidental 
remarks, witli an especial view to interest those who 
served in the last war, and to make it in some degree 
useful in case of future operations. 

In his preface to " Rangoon," the first Narrative of 
the Second Burmese War (August 1852), it was stated 
as one of the Author's principal objects, " to give the 
reader as much information regarding Burma, and 
take from him as little time, as possible. Wherever it 
is a soldier's lot to roam, the pleasant duty may be 
frequently performed of attempting to gather and 
afterwards to diffuse knowledge. It is a duty which 
our age demands of every man who thinks he has a 
sufficiency of capacity." Again, he added, while the 
war was not yet finished : — " Apart from the extreme 
probability of the cause of civilisation being advanced, 
in a distant and comparatively unknown land, by the 
Second Burmese War, which should make the subject 
one of general interest, there must be a vast number 
of readers at home and in India who have friends and 
relatives in Burma. This is the grand key to the in- 
terest of Englishmen in the war. The possession of 
Rangoon may be said to have put nine-tenths of the 
Burmese Empire at our disposal. The conquest of 
the remainder of the country may ensue, and other 
pens will probably describe the course of events. But 
on account of the liberal encouragement bestowed on 
the present undertaking, the Author may be disposed, 
if all goes well, to write another volume." 

" Pegu," the concluding volume — written after the 
Author reached Toungoo — completed an account of 



GENEEAL PEEFACE. IX 

the conquest of the province ; and the book, more than 
double the size of " Eangoon," with more plans and 
sketches, originally appeared under circumstances far 
from favourable. The adverse influence of the time — 
the outbreak of the Crimean "War — operated on his 
Oriental military narrative in much the same manner 
as that bewailed by a famous sensation novelist, who 
brought out one of his great works in 1854, but which 
had no great sale while England was watching a 
serious national event, and new books, in consequence, 
" found the minds of readers in general pre-occupied or 
indifferent." Still, "Pegu" struggled on, being the 
only authoritative standard of reference on the subject ; 
and, aided by Grovernment patronage, the book even- 
tually became out of print. It is now, doubtless, to be 
found in many libraries throughout England and India; 
and not the least pleasing retrospect in a rather event- 
ful life, is to the time when the writer travelled with 
his father in Sweden, and personally presented a copy 
of " Pegu " to King Charles the Fifteenth — soldier and 
artist — thereby making sure of at least one Narrative 
of the Second Burmese War being honoured by a place 
in the royal library at Stockholm. 

It was gratifying, some years ago, to learn from a 
distinguished member of Her Majesty's Indian Council 
that " Pegu " had been found "useful and interesting "; 
and various officers, from time to time, notwithstand- 
ing (as remarked in the preface) the difficulty of 
producing a good book with the heat, the din of war, 
and the frequent impossibility of procuring correct 
information to contend against, have signified their 



X GENERAL PREFACE. 

approbation. The Author having considered it most 
important at the present time — when Burma promises 
to be of far more than usual interest to the military as 
well as to the commercial world — ^to give a summary 
of events during the First Burmese War, in order that 
the conduct of the two wars, and our relations with 
Burma, may be better understood than hitherto, of 
course it comes first in order. The very brief account 
of that now famous war given in the Introductory 
Sketch will, it is to be hoped, tempt the reader, should 
he have time, to go through the more lengthy abstract 
which is contained in the second and third chapters 
(Part I.), of which the present writer appears, in a 
very great measure, as editor rather than author or 
compiler. The First Burmese War will also be found 
alluded to, and occasional extracts given, in connection 
with the operations of the Second ; but the study of a 
connected sketch of such eventful Burmese Campaigns 
as those of upwards of fifty years ago, will enable 
military readers to better understand the few remarks 
on the operations, given in the fourth chapter. Again, 
Pegu and the Irawady being now ours — forming our 
grand base of operations — in the event of another war 
we should probably have to make use of (and of course 
improve) the same theatre of action as that in which 
the gallant first Army of Ava played so distinguished 
a part. 

There is no desire in this work to advocate an an- 
nexation — far less an aggressive policy ; and such a 
desire is hostile to the intentions of a wise Government ; 
but no intelligent Englishman will deny — and if he has 



GBNEEAL PEEFAOE. XI 

denied it hitherto, it is to be hoped he will do so no 
longer — ^that the First Burmese War was vigorously 
prosecuted because we sought to save Bengal at least 
from invasion. And if, during the Mutiny of 1857, 
we had not possessed the lower provinces of Burma, 
there is no saying what trouble might have been 
created on our south-eastern frontier, and what the 
consequences might have been. When the Mahomedan 
began to discover he had lost his military and the 
Brahman his social sway, they might also have dis- 
covered that Pegu was a very convenient province for 
the game of murder and rebellion. The Second War, 
followed by the grand political stroke of annexation — 
which was forced on us — prevented the chance of 
Burma aiding the fiends engaged in the Mutiny ! 

Talking one day with that eminent Anglo-Indian 
writer, the late Sir John Kaye, on the subject of 
annexation, and having incurred his displeasure by 
alluding to "the force of circumstances," of course it 
was useless to point out to the Political Secretary how 
valuable the possession of British Burma was to us 
during the Indian rebellion; how the isolation of 
Burma kept the Court of Ava out of the influences 
of the mutinies altogether ; how the Bengal sepoy 
regiment stationed in Pegu found no sympathy from 
such a different race as the Burmese in the matter 
of disaffection ; how we could spare British troops 
from the province at such a critical time ; or how the 
Grolden Foot sent a handsome donation of one thousand 
pounds to relieve the sufferers by the Mutiny ! All 
was lost on Sir John, who conscientiously — like his 



Xll GENERAL PREPAOE, 

admirable friend, Sir Henry Lawrence, denounced 
annexation. 

As the time is probably near at hand when, if the 
Grolden Foot does not make a better wheel into the 
ranks of civilisation, there may no longer be a King of 
Burma, it is curious to notice that the last of the so- 
called " G-reat Moguls," the King of Delhi, died while 
a State prisoner at Eangoon on the 11th November 
1862, and was buried the same day — the Mahomedans 
of the town being heedless of the event. Such was the 
end of the Mogul, who disputed the Empire of India 
with us, but now had been so long harmless, realm- 
less, and " a prince without the shadow of power," that 
even at his death the pious Mahomedans deemed him 
hardly worthy of notice ! 

One word more about "Annexation " — a word fre- 
quently used in the following pages — a word which 
should never be connected with " party " where its 
realisation is meant for the good of mankind. Think- 
ing of the great Canning's remark about the tremen- 
dous power Great Britain is destined to wield in the 
world, it is almost impossible not to fall in with Paley's 
observation on the cases in which the extension of 
territory may be of real advantage to both parties. 
The moral and political Archdeacon writes of the case 
where " neighbouring states " — one of them Upper 
Burma, for instance — " being severally too small and 
weak to defend themselves against the dangers that 
surround them, can only be safe by a strict and con- 
stant junction of their strength : here conquest will 
effect the purposes of confederation and alliance ; and 



GBNEEAL PEEFAOE. Xlll 

the union which it produces is often more close and 
permanent than that which results from voluntary 
association.' 

This is a very " pithy " sentence and one well 
worthy of study. How could Upper Burma ever keep 
back China, or Eussia, or, perhaps, Grermany — if she 
is to be allied with the flowery land — single-handed, 
and probably with a hostile league of tribes against the 
Grolden Foot, in case of an attack from the northward ? 

When a much younger man, the Author was all in 
favour of annexation. Like many other sanguine 
patriots, he thought we should be everywhere, and 
annex every country that fell out with us ; but time 
has sobered down his ambitious views ; and he now 
adopts the more Conservative principle of non-inter- 
ference, when it can possibly be adopted without in- 
jury to our prestige. On the point of annexing only a 
part of a country, the writer, it will be seen, has 
expressed his decided views. He may further add 
that, as Euclid teaches us — '* the whole is greater 
than its part " ; so, in political result, the axiom is — 
If annexation must come, the whole is safer than a 
part ! Commercial activity and enterprise also are 
seldom safe when dealing with fractions. 

The fourth part of his work will probably possess 
more interest for the general reader and the merchant 
than the others. To get a good general knowledge of 
Burma, the Author must refer his readers to the 
interesting volumes of Colonel Yule, General Fytche, 
Dr. Mason, Dr. Anderson, Captain Forbes, and a few 
others of less pretensions, such as Surgeon-Greneral 



1 
xiv -^ GENERAL PREFACE. 

Grordon, Colonel McMalion, and Mr. "Wyllie (in his 
"Essay on the External Policy of India"). Mr. St. 
Barbe, in reviewing the latter book, which has " no- 
thing specially to do with Burma," says that the essays 
are " valuable for the most part as expounding a policy 
which is fast becoming effete — the policy of masterly 
inactivity, which their author was the first to designate 
and describe." Of course, in times like the present, 
when so much ambition among European Powers is 
afloat, " masterly inactivity " is simply ridiculous and 
impossible. 

It is to be hoped that commerce in Burma, and its 
enemy, the eccentric, cruel, and obstructive King 
Theebau, have received the attention they deserve. 
Doubtless, there is a brighter day at hand for the 
country, at which, of course, London, Liverpool, Grlas- 
gow, and Calcutta — above all, Rangoon — will especially 
and naturally rejoice. The foreign trade of British 
Burma — unparalleled in the annals of Eastern Asia — 
notwithstanding the disadvantages under which it has 
recently laboured, affords a prospect most bright and 
advancing. 

In conclusion, the author is pleased at being able 
to add to the utility of his work by giving an excellent 
map by that safe and experienced geographer, Mr. 
Trelawney Saunders. With reference to the numerous 
plans and sketches which enriched his former volumes 
— among the artists being Lieutenant (now Major- 
Greneral*) Alexander Eraser, of the Bengal Engineers, 

* E.E., and Secretary to the G-overnment of India. To this 
officer the author was indebted for military sketches of Shwe- 
gyeen and Gongoh, 



GENBEAL PREFACE. XV 

whose light-liouses and otlier engineering works will 
ever honourably connect his name with British Burma 
— only two illustrations have been selected — the scene 
Donabew, where the greatest of all Burmese generals 
died, and where a distinguished British general of the 
present day first saw active service — which will give 
some idea of Burmese forest or jungle warfare. 



W, F. B. L. 



1, Oxford Gardens, London, W. 
December 1879. 



CONTENTS. 



PART I. 



Chapter I. — Introductory Sketcli .... 
II. — The First Burmese War .... 
III. — The First Burmese War (continued) 
IV. — Remarks on the Operations 
V. — The Finances of India fifty years ago ; or, after 
the First Burmese War 



1 

19 
49 
64 

76 



PART II. 



The Second Burmese War. 

Chapter I, — The Burmese provoke a Second War . . 81 
n. — From Madras to Eangoon .... 95 
III. — Naval Operations before Eangoon and Dalla. 
— The Landing and Advance. — The White 
House Stockade . . . . . .107 



XVm CONTENTS. 

•-- Page 

Chapter IV. — The Grand Advance on the Shwe Dagon 

Pagoda 122 

V. — Capture of Bassein. — Burmese Attack on 

Martaban 141 

VI. — Pegu. — Prome. — The Grand Question. — Lord 

Dalhousie at Eangoon . . . .167 



PART III. 



From the Advance on Prome to the Entire Conquest 
OP Pegtj. 

Chapter I. — The Advance on Prome. — Capture and Occu- 
pation of Pegu 181 

II. — The Burmese Investment of Pegu. — Critical 
Position of Major Hill and his Troops. — 
Summary of Military Transactions . . 219 
III. — Eelief of Pegu, and other Operations. — The 

Proclamation 236 

IV. — Sir John Cheape's Operations against Myat- 

htoon 257 

V. — Lord Dalhousie's Policy in the Second Burmese 

War. — ^Various Eemarks . . . .276 
Notification. — Troops in British Burma, 1853 

and 1864 .310 

Account of Gross Eevenue from Territory 
ceded by the Burmese, including the annexed 
Provinces of Pegu and Martaban, for 1855-56 314 
Letter from Lord Dalhousie to Major Hill . 316 



CONTKNTS, 



PART IV. 



Vaeioijs Papers on Burma. 



■ au-e 



Paper I. — View of the Condition of Burma in 1854-56 . 318 
II. — Sparseness of Population, and Health of the 

Indigenous Eaces 328 

III. — A Brief Eeview of the Progress of Trade in 

Pegu (1864) 846 

Note. — Eevenue (1878-79) and Commerce 350 
IV. — From Mandalay to Momien (Review). — Trade 

Eoutes from Burma to Western China . . 353 
The Shan Tribes. — Productive Capacity of the 

Shan Countries 366 

v.— The Value of Upper Burma . . . .369 
VI.— Summary of Events from 1826 to 1879, 
including a Sketch of King Theebau's Pro- 
gress 374 

Annexation and Non- Annexation . . .416 

Postscript : — The Looshais and the Nagas . . 420 

Notes : — 1. — The Burmese Eoyal Family . 425 
2. — Withdrawal of the British Ee- 

sident from Mandalay . . 426 

3. — Population of Mandalay . .427 

4. — King Theebau's Head Queen . 427 

British Burma Division (1879) . . .429 

Addenda to PAET 1 431 

n. 440 

„ „ III 446 

„ „ IV. 466 

Index 479 



X CONTENTS. 

Map and Sketches, 

1. — Central Portion of British Burma. 

2. — ^Eougli Sketch pertaining to Operations against Myat-htoon. 

3. — Plan of Breastwork captured from Myat-htoon. 



EERATA. 

Page 17, line 14. For Irawady read Iraw§,di, the correct spelling of the 
great river, which is, in the original Sanskrit, Airdvati, 
feminine of the god Indra's elephant, from aira, 
" moisture," and vati, " like." — See AsM Pyee, p. 81. 
„ 44, line 32. For Ma read Maha, Bandoola. 

„ 170, note. For Thebau read Theebau ; and /or Santama read Gautama. 
„ 174, note. For peninsular read peninsula. 
„ 357, line 11. For something wrong read considerable difficulty in the 

framing of the Burmese Treaty of 1862, &c. 
„ 390, line 12. For Eamathayu read Ramathayn. 
„ 393, line 17. For Meuhla read Menhla, or Minhla. 

Note.— A distinguished London critic pointed out an error in the author's 
rendering of the meaning of the word " MoozufEer," as applied to one of the 
grand old East India Company's frigates. It does not signify a " traveller," 
but " victorious," which is written, in the original Arabic, Muzaffar. The 
word Musdfir, " a traveller," is Arabic also, which in this case was wrongly 
applied. (Page 187, line 8.) 



OUR BURMESE WARS 



AND 



RELATIONS WITH BURMA. 



PART I 



CHAPTEE I. 

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 

It is still an interesting problem to solve, whether the Mon- 
golian race, up to the present time, has retarded the beneficial 
progress of the world. Taking an extensive yet fair view of 
the question, the mind is puzzled by its numerous intricacies, 
till at length we are obliged to fall back on a somewhat similar 
conclusion formed by Gibbon regarding the Mogul Empire,* 
that, perhaps, it has been rather the scourge than the bene- 
factor of mankind. From childhood we learn the lesson that 
war is only justifiable when defensive and unavoidable, not 
when it is offensive and unnecessary. Common sense teaches us 
that the barter of commodities is " necessarily coeval with the 
first formation of society,^' and that trade and commerce form 



* Tlie Mogul Empire generally. We agree -witli the author of " Burma, Past 
and Present," in considering the Mogul dynasty in India a misnomer, as 
Baber and his descendants were not Moguls, but of the kindred race of Turks. 

1 



2 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

the very key-stone of progressive civilisation. In the matters 
of war and barter^ therefore, the Mongolian race has been 
largely to blame, inasmuch as it has given to the world far 
too much of the one and far too little of the other. Welling- 
tons and Eichard Cobdens have been required from time im- 
memorial in Asia. And yet, perhaps, had similar luminaries, 
especially during the last two centuries, for their hour, become 
lords of the ascendant in China and Chin-India (or Indo- 
China), a bombastic general of the flowery land could never 
have mastered the art of war on just principles, nor an arrogant 
Burmese sovereign the soothing influences and mighty advan- 
tages of free trade. Of course a strong natural love of exclu- 
sion lies at the root of the evil ; and this is more evident in the 
Mongolian race than among the other varieties of mankind. 

Friendly relations with Eastern countries, among us, as with 
other European empires and kingdoms, have ever been few and 
far between. Even in Europe shrewd and practical statesmen 
know well that what is styled ^^ a supposed community of in- 
terest ■'"' must form a chief ingredient in the friendships, and 
especially in the commercial relations, of empires and states ; 
and not balancing this consideration properly, the result must 
ever be a monopolizing tendency, which must in the end gene- 
rally lead to war. Of course this is very lamentable, and very 
derogatory to human nature ; but it cannot be helped, particu- 
larly in the case of nations less civilised than our own. 

It is curious to think what the result would now have been 
had the little band of zealots who, tired of the excellent yet 
bare morality of Confucius, left China, early in the Christian 
era, in search of a new religion, brought back (65 a.d.), instead 
of Buddhism from India, Christianity from Palestine. There 
is one thing almost certain, that, were the four hundred mil- 
lions of Chinese (Buddhists) , and say the eight or ten millions 
of Indo-Chinese, Christians at the present time, there would 
be an almost entire absence of a deep love of seclusion among 
them j the possession of an eager and continual thirst for barter 



INTEODUOTOET SKETCH. 6 

on tlie largest scale ; no fear to zealous members of tlie Senate 
regarding the crippled finances of India^ and^ perliaps_, Chinese 
Burmese^ and Siamese firms in London rivalling the British 
houses. 

But China and Indo-China are still Buddhistical, and India 
is still the land of the Veda and the Koran — the principle of 
life apparently still so strong within these creeds as to make it 
difficult to think when they are to perish. So we proceed at 
once to give some popular information regarding our Burmese 
wars and relations with Burma. 

As early as the middle of the sixteenth century the Burmese 
had conquered the inhabitants of Pegu^ their former masters^ 
and had established a strong independence. This brave and 
warlike nation speedily assumed a high rank in the East. The 
Burmese accession of power and territory naturally produced 
a desire for increased traffic ; and, as regards the British, about 
the middle of the seventeenth century — not many years after 
the surgeon, Boughton, had done his country service by obtain- 
ing for the English nation permission to traffic, free of duty, 
in Bengal — our trade with Burma flourished to a considerable 
extent. Grain, oil, timber, ivory, and other valuable com- 
modities, were not to be neglected in the early fervour of com- 
mercial speculation. 

The fertile delta of that magnificent river, the Irawady, was 
visited by our countrymen under great disadvantages. The 
European barbarians — for the offensive term was used in the 
same sense by Burmese and Chinese — dared not sail up the 
Rangoon river, or any other of Burma^s noble waters, without 
acknowledging the supreme authority of the Lord of the White 
and all other Elephants, whose trunks "put a girdle round 
about the earth,^^ while under the shade of their master's golden 
umbrella the spheres steadily and gracefully reposed. But our 
merchants too frequently made respect for local authorities a 
secondary consideration, 9vhich, perhaps, first inclined the higher 
order of Burmese to look upon us in no very favourable light. 

1 » 



4 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

Far diiferent was the conduct of the early servants of the East 
India Company. These functionaries, we are told, knew well 
how to humour the Burmese national vanity; and even go- 
vernors of Fort St. Greorge addressed the "Golden Feet" in 
terms of great humility. An old letter has recently been dis- 
interred, filled with what the writers in the " Spectator,'^ 
had the gorgeous epistle come in their way, might have de- 
nounced as a brilliant example of an eiSfort to be ridiculous for 
a political purpose. It is impossible to mistake the '' studied 
ornaments of style "* in a letter from Nathaniel Higginson, 
Esq., &c.. Governor of Fort St. George, to the King of Ava, 
dated the 10th September 1695. 

'^To His Imperial Majesty, who blesseth the noble city of 
Ava with his Presence, Emperour of Emperours, and excelling 
the Kings of the East and of the West in glory and honour, the 
clear firmament of Virtue, the fountain of Justice, the perfec- 
tion of Wisdom, the Lord of Charity, and Protector of the 
Distressed ; the first mover in the Sphere of Greatness, Presi- 
dent in Council, Victorious in War ; who feareth none, and is 
feared by all : Center of the Treasures of the Earth, and of 
the Sea, Lord Proprietor of Gold and Silver, Eubys, Amber, 
and all precious Jewells, favoured by Heaven, and honoured by 
Men, whose brightness shines through the World, as the light 
of the Sun, and whose great name will be preserved in per- 
petual memory. , . . 

. . . "Your Majesty has been pleased to grant your 
especial favours to the Honourable English Company, whose 
Servant I am ; and now send to present before the footstool of 
your Throne a few toys, as an acknowledgment of your Ma- 
jesty's goodness, which I beg your Majesty to accept ; and to 
vouchsafe an Audience to my Servants, and a gracious Answer 
to my Petition." 



* " Spectator," essay on " Metaphors. 



INTEODUCTORT SKETCH. 5 

Let us now hear the object o£ the petition^ one of curious 
interest at the present time. 

"I humbly pray your Majesty^s fountain of goodness to con- 
tinue your wonted favours to the Right Honourable English 
Company, and to permit our Factors to buy and sell, in such 
CommoditySj and under such Priviledges, as your Royal bounty 
shall please to grant ; and allow us such conveniencys, as are 
necessary for the repair of Shipps, whereby I shall be en- 
couraged to send my Shipps yearly to your Majesty's Port, 
having orders from the Honourable Company, to send Shipps 
and Factors into all parts of India, when their Service re- 
quires it/^ 

It was well said, early in 1852, "We shall look with addi- 
tional interest for the Burmese Blue Book, that we may have 
an opportunity of comparing the humble, cringing, obsequious 
memorial presented by the Agent of the Grovernor, on his 
knees, to the Lord of the White Elephant, with the cold and 
imperious missive of the present Governor- General. These two 
letters would of themselves form no incorrect index of the 
difference between the Company Bahadoor, as a pedlar, and 
as an emperor." 

And now, before inviting the reader's attention to a slight 
historical retrospect, let us ask him to turn to the map of Asia, 
and mark how the country of Arakan and the province of 
Chittagong are situated relatively to Calcutta and the coun- 
tries of Ava and Pegu. 

Every one knows that the Portuguese were the first regular 
European traders in India, round the Cape of Good Hope. 

Many of these adventurers, about the year 1600, had settled 
on the coast of Chittagong and Arakan. Ten years after their 
arrival, the Portuguese and Arakanese, acting in concert against 
the Subahdar of Bengal, agreed to invade his Subah by land 
and by water. The limited forces went boldly to the attack ; 
but the invaders were entirely defeated. The perfidious com- 
mander persuaded the Governor of the Portuguese settlement 



6 OUR BTJEMESE WARS. 

in India, who resided at Goa, to equip a large fleet, and upon 
its arrival on the coast Gonzales joined the admiral in attacking 
the city of Arakan. They were repulsed with great loss, 
reckoning their naval leader among the killed, while the cap- 
tain escaped to the island of Sundeep, defeated, disgraced, and 
ruined. It is remarked, by a competent authority, that the 
attempt of the Arakanese to revenge themselves against the 
inhabitants of Sundeep and all the neighbouring coasts, with 
succeeding inroads of a similar nature, created the Soonder- 
buns,* which region once flourished as the abode of wealthy 
and industrious men. 

We next hear that the Assamese, occupying a fertile country 
to the north of Ava, were repulsed, and the Arakanese driven 
oflf by the occupants of Sundeep, to secure the peace and pros- 
perity of Bengal. It is curious to compare the progress of an 
expedition set on foot by Meer Joomla, the Subahdar, in the 
year 1661, against Assam, with the British martial adventures 
during the first Burmese war. Having crossed the Brahma- 
pootra, with his stores and provisions, at Rungamutty, Meer 
Joomla, forming a road as he went,t marched his army by land. 
The march was tedious, seldom exceeding one or two miles a 
day; the army was harassed by the enemy. Meer Joomla 
shared every privation with the troops. At length, coming to 
conclusions, the Mogul army struck terror into the hearts of 
the Assamese. Their Rajah fled into the mountains, and many 
of the chiefs swore allegiance to the conquerors. Meer Joomla, 
in the plenitude of his triumph, contemplated planting the 
Mahomedan flag on the walls of Pekin. But reverses now feU 
upon the Mussulman. The valley of the Brahmapootra, from 



* " History of Bengal," by Marshman, p. 39. 

f This system of making war in a wild country was much in favour with 
the late Duke of Wellington, and he ascribed Sir Harry Smith's failure at the 
Cape of Good Hope entirely to his neglect of so salutary a precaution. 



INTEODUOTOBY SKETCH. 7 

the violence of the rains which set in, became one vast sheet of 
water. The cavalry were rendered useless by want of forage, 
and the enemy cut off the provisions of the invaders. At 
length dire pestilence ravaged the camp ; but with the change 
of season the land dried, disease disappeared, the Moguls re- 
gained health and courage, and, resuming the offensive, forced 
the Kajah to solicit peace. Meer Joomla was happy to grant 
this, for he was suffering from disease brought on by exposure. 

A large sum of money was paid to the Moguls ; but yet was 
Assam unconquered. 

Burmese supremacy over the once independent kingdom of 
Pegu continued till about the middle of the eighteenth century. 
The Peguese (or Peguers*), however, having obtained assist- 
ance from the Dutch and Portuguese, at length took up arms 
against their oppressors, gained many victories, reduced the 
far-famed capital, Ava, and took prisoner Dweepdee, the last of 
a long line of Burmese kings.f 

But the fallen people were naturally too brave and energetic 
to remain long in a state of vassalage. The history of Euro- 
pean countries presents us with more than one instance of a 
nation long prostrate throwing off a foreign yoke through the 
powerful and seemingly magical agency of one man ; and such 
a fortune Burma was destined to realise. About the year 1753, 
Alompra, the hunter, arose. He was a man of humble birth, 
but through the exercise of an indomitable will acquired the 



* They are also styled Peguans, wliom the Burmese call Talains or Talaings. 
The Burmese, Karens and Shans are the other chief distinct races. 

t Bonna Delia, or Beinga Delia, the Pegu Sovereign, after the conquest of 
Ava returned to his own country. "Eenegade Dutch " and " Native Portu- 
guese" are the terms applied to the European powers above noted. We 
mention this because " the Portuguese, in the middle of the sixteenth century, 
assisted the Burmans in their wars against the Peguese, and continued to 
exercise an influence in the Burman and Pegu countries, and still greater in 
Arracan." — " Account of the Burman Empire." 



8 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

possession of a fort in the neighbourhood of the capital. At 
first he carried on a sort of guerilla warfare against his enemies 
the Peguese^ and his forces speedily increasing^ he suddenly- 
attacked and took Ava. Alompra afterwards invaded Pegu, 
became master of its capital, extinguished the Pegu or Talaing 
dynasty, and founded the great empire which has existed to 
this day (1852). It was during Alompra's reign that the 
British Government was first brought into political relation- 
ship with the Kings of Burma. 

During the war of conquest against the Peguese^ we find the 
JF'rench and English traders playing conspicuous parts. M. 
Bourno, beyond the Ganges, appears to have been as zealous in 
his way as was the great Dupleix when in his glory at Chan- 
dernagore or Pondicherry. The former, no doubt, had an eye 
to the acquisition on the part of France of the capitals of 
Ava and Pegu, while the latter plodded over his favourite 
scheme of reducing Madras and Calcutta to their original 
condition of fishing towns. The Frenchman intrigued witb 
both parties; the Englishman, Mr. Brooke,* declared for 
Alompra. 

Alompra appears to have entertained considerable respect 
for the English character, notwithstanding that the conduct of 
some of Brooke^s countrymen was highly discreditable ; and it 
is difficult to believe that the great Burmese leader participated 
in the massacre of the English at Negrais, on the 16th of Oc- 
tober 1759. This tragedy seems to have been brought about 
through a combination of French treachery and jealousy. The 
massacre was contrived by an Armenian named Gregory, who, 
jealous of the growing influence of the English, found a ready 
agent in a young Frenchman named Lavine. This Lavine had 
been left by his treacherous friend, Bourno, as a hostage, during 
one of the pretended negotiations with Alompra. 



* Resident at Negrais, tlien the company's cMef timber- station. 



INTEODUOTOEY SKETCH. 9 

Lavine aud Gregory projected the extermination of the 
English in Burma. At an entertainment given by one Southby, ' 
the successor of Brooke^ a Portuguese interpreter^ well known 
to Lavine,, was present as a guest. At a signal given during 
the evening the room was filled with armed men. Southby 
and his English friends were instantly murdered, and soon after 
all the Indian servants of the factory, upwards of one hundred 
in number, shared a similar fate. The guns of the fort were 
turned on the British ships by Lavine, who of course gloried 
in having performed the chief part in a treacherous and 
cowardly act, while he beheld our vessels steering for Bengal. 
Happily in the latter part of our Eastern possessions events 
were occurring of a cheerful character. 

Since the commencement of 1757 Admiral Watson and Clive 
had regained Calcutta, Chandernagore had been taken from 
the French, Plassey had been won, and in the same year as the 
above massacre Clive wrote his famous note previous to the 
entire defeat of the Dutch at Chinsurah : — 

" Dear Forde, — Fight them immediately ; I will send you 
the Order in Council to-morrow."^ 

It was not long after Clive had fixed the destiny of India 
that the famous Alompra died.f One of his last actions was 
to invade Siam, a great valley at the head of a wide gulf, shut 
in by two ranges of mountains. Death arrested the sword of 
the conqueror just as he had commenced the siege of the capital. 
It was left for future adventurers to possess the rich plain of 
Siam. The inhabitants of this country, unlike the Burmese, 
are indolent and wanting in courage. It was, therefore, in 



* Clive received the Colonel's letter while lie was playing at cards. With- 
out quitting the table, he wrote the reply in pencil. (History.) This is, 
perhaps, the shortest order to fight a battle ever written, — no words lost, all 
to the point. 

t 15th May 1760. 



10 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

their destiny to become the prey of the valiant and enter- 
prising. 

For many years after the affair at Negrais^ English traders 
confined their operations to Rangoon, " where traffic with the 
natives was comparatively uninterrupted, except when the ships 
were impressed by the Burmese to be employed as transports 
during successive Pegu rebellions/-' 

Shemburen (or Shembuan), who may be said to have suc- 
ceeded Alompra^ crushed one of these serious revolts. He 
further added to the glory of the empire by defeating a large 
army of Chinese ; but failed in an attempt to possess the terri- 
tory of Siam, excepting that part which is at present styled 
the Tenasserin Provinces, including Mergui.* Shemburen^s 
brother afterwards succeeded in annexing the province of 
Arakan,t reaching about five hundred miles along the eastern 
coast of the Bay of Bengal to the Burmese Empire, which 
now embraced Ava, Arakan, Pegu, a portion of Siam, and 
various minor territories bordering on the British possessions. 
The town and district of Chittagong had been finally lost to 
the Arakanese in 1666, and annexed to the Subah of Bengal. 

The Burmese and British territories now coming into con- 
tact, a series of misunderstandings commenced; the seeds of 
future war were sown. At the conclusion of a dispute con- 
cerning some refugees from Arakan, who had, about the year 
1794, found their way into the British territory. Colonel Symes 
was sent by the Bengal Government on a mission to the Court 
of Ava. His object was to establish ^^ amicable relations be- 
tween the two Powers, and especially to procure for British 



* Our landing at Rangoon in 1824 gave the Siamese hopes of recovering 
these lost possessions, which our capture of them entirely destroyed. 

f This was the work of the famous Minderajee Praw, fourth son of Alompra, 
who, in 1783 (corresponding with the Burman year 1145), sent a fleet of boats 
against, and conquered Arakan. The surrender of Cheduba, Ramree, and the 
" Broken Isles," followed the conquest. 



INTEODUOTORY SKETCH. 11 

traders immunity from the oppression and extortion to whicli 
they were constantly exposed in their visits to Burmese ports." 
By the treaty thus concluded, this oppression and extortion was 
lessened ; but only for a short time. 

Some years after the mission, about 1811, a serious rebel- 
lion having broken out in Arakan^ the King of Ava believed 
that it had been instigated by the English, and accordingly 
laid an embargo on all British vessels at Rangoon. 

Here was sufficient cause for hostilities. But the cost of 
the wars in India, promoted during the government of the 
Marquis Wellesley, had rendered it imperative upon the local 
rulers who succeeded him to avoid such an expensive alterna- 
tive ; and another mission was, therefore^ in the first instance, 
preferred. What other inference could an ignorant and iso- 
lated potentate draw from this apparent acceptance of indignity 
than that the English were powerless to resent, or rated an 
amicable intercourse with Burma too highly to risk a perma- 
nent rupture ? He mistook a prudent policy for fear, founded 
on inherent weakness, and his arrogance proportionately in- 
creased. At first his designs were cloaked by an appearance 
of inaction, and the time of the British Indian Government was 
too much occupied by the quarrels with Nepaul and the Mah- 
rattas, to allow of its watching the movements of any Power in 
the south-east. But gradually the King of the White Elephant 
unfolded his schemes of aggrandisement, invaded Assam, re- 
duced Munnipoor* through the agency of his general, one 
Bandoola, and, although at peace with the British, sent troops 
into the Company^s territories, oppressed our traders, and in- 
sulted our flag and country in every possible way. 

Thus we were forced into preventing the future encroach- 
ments of a very warlike and ambitious neighbour whose " arro- 
gant pretensions and restless character" had so frequently 
interrupted the peaceful relations subsisting between India 

* Then an independent state lying between Burma and Assam. 



12 OUR EURMESB WARS. 

and Burmaj keeping '' the frontier provinces in constant dread 
and danger of invasion." Then we were just beginning to 
learn that in India we must be *' everything^ or nothing/'' 

At this juncture Lord Amherst landed in Calcutta, on the 
1st of August 1823, as Governor- General of India. He gave 
his immediate attention to the conduct of the Burmese. An 
explanation was demanded of the numerous offences committed 
against the British Government ; but the haughty and inde- 
pendent reply betrayed a spirit of aggression, and every attempt 
at an honourable and satisfactory adjustment was met with 
scornful silence. The Governor- General then declared war 
against the Burmese. The declaration was dated the 5th of 
March 1824, and operations commenced by the advance of a 
British force, which had been collected at Goalparah, into 
Assam, while arrangements were made to vigorously prosecute 
the war in other quarters. We should state that the Assamese 
were subjugated by the Burmese in 1822, when their General 
was proclaimed Rajah of Assam, subordinate to the Emperor 
of Ava. 

It will give some idea of how British tenure of India was 
valued by the Rajah of Burdwan at this period, to relate that 
at the time of the Burmese war Lord Amherst asked the 
Rajah for a loan of a certain sum of money, promising to repay 
it at the end of twenty-five years. The Rajah declined, saying, 
he did not know whether twenty-five years hence the Company 
would possess the country. And now commenced the most 
expensive and harassing war in which the British had ever 
been engaged in India. Almost totally unacquainted with the 
character and resources of the country into which our arms 
were to be carried — ^unaware of the nature of the climate, 
which in the marshy districts scarcely yielded to Walcheren in 
the pestiferous quality of the atmosphere — the Government 
entered upon its arrangements with a recklessness of expense, 
and a disregard of the future, which ignorance might account 
for, if it did not wholly excuse. 



INTEODUOTOEY SKETCH. 13 

Steanij at tMs time_, had scarcely asserted its wonderful 
agency. As an engine of war it was certainly unknown every- 
where, although steamers peacefully traversed all the rivers of 
Great Britain and some parts of the continent of Europe ; and 
in India, so backward had been the endeavours of the Govern- 
ment to honour the enterprise of "Jaraes Watt/^ that not 
more than two or three vessels had begun to boil and bubble 
through the seas which washed the coasts of Coromandel and 
of Burma. Slow-sailing trading-vessels were consequently the 
only means of transport available for one portion of the army 
destined to invade Burma; and such were the difficulties of 
the country lying between Calcutta and Arakan, that the other 
part of the force, despatched by land, was three months in 
reaching its destination. 

Rangoon, situated on a branch of the Irawady called the 
Rangoon river, about thirty miles from the sea, was captured 
by the British in May 1824, and a movement was soon after- 
wards made into the interior; for the Governor- General of 
India had resolved to dictate terms to the haughty Burmese 
ruler only at his capital, in presence of an army prepared to 
dethrone him as the penalty of refusal. A gallant and stubborn 
resistance was made by the Burmese throughout the war, which 
actually lasted nearly two years. 

About the opposing army not the least interesting feature 
was that of a body of eight thousand Shans forming a part of 
it. These were opposed to the British in 1825 ; and the troops 
were accompanied by three young and handsome women of 
rank, who were believed to be prophetesses and invulnerable. 
These females rode on horseback at the head of the troops, 
encouraging them to victory. At length they were utterly de- 
feated, and two of the heroines were kiUed in action. The 
Ranee of Jhansi in 1857-58 appears to have had something of 
this mysterious bravery about her. 

Formidable stockades, consisting entirely of timber, every- 
where presented a barrier to our advance, and cover to the 



14 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

enemy, wlio employed musketry and cannon as well as tlie more 
savage implements of war in the prolonged contest. The heavy 
periodical rains, flooding the land, impeded operations for several 
months ; and during this period of inaction disease, the result of 
malaria, penetrated the British camp, and nearly decimated the re- 
giments. Not less than one-half the invading force was destroyed 
by the combined agencies of fever and patriotic resistance. 

It appears by a return drawn up by Lieutenant -Colonel 
Kelly, the Deputy Adjutant- G-eneral, that during the first year 
3-|- per cent, of the troops were killed in action, while 45 per 
cent, perished from disease. In the ensuing year the mortality 
from the same causes had decreased one-half; but the total loss 
during the war amounted to 72^ per cent, of the troops engaged. 
There were present at Rangoon on the 1st of January 1825, 
oflficers included : — 

Artillery, including rocket-troops . 1,071 
European infantry .... 4,146 
Native infantry, &c 7,628 

Total . . . 12,845 men. 

At Arakan and the South-east Frontier, on the 1st February 
1825, there were 9,937; and at Prome, on the 11th August of 
the same year, 12,110. The loss from the commencement to 
the close of the war was : — 





Killed. Deceased. 




Grand total of ofl&cers 


24 41 = 


65 


Native commissioned . 


6 28 = 


34 


Non-commissioned rank 






and file, Europeans 


105 3,029 = 


3,134 


Ditto, Natives 


90 1,305 = 


1,395 


Extra, killed, deceased, and missing 


450 



Total casualties . . . 5,078 
(According to the Deputy Adjutant-Generars return, 5,080.) 



. INTEODTJOTOEY SKETCH. 15 

The mortality was frightful ; the country, devastated or un- 
friendly, yielded nothing in the way of sustenance to the 
troops, and supplies were therefore continually forwarded from 
India, increasing the cost fearfully, and rendering the condition 
of the army extremely precarious. By dint of perseverance, 
and the courage which never deserts British or native troops, 
ably commanded, and with a grand object in view, Assam, 
Arakan, and Mergui, fell into our hands ; the Burmese were de- 
feated at Prome, on the Irawady, and elsewhere ; and the troops 
approaching Ava, the monarch, terrified at the prospect of losing 
his capital, and perhaps his empire, met them at Yandaboo, where 
he signed a treaty consenting to pay one million sterling towards 
the expenses of the war, and ceding Assam and all the places 
on the Tenasserim coast. This contribution and these cessions 
fell far short of indemnifying the British India Government for 
the outlay, which, from first to last, had exceeded twelve 
millions sterling. 

The territorial acquisitions, though by no means productive, 
have not been without their advantages in a commercial and 
political view. Extending from about 17° 35' to 10° north 
latitude, and from 97° 30' to 99° 30' east longitude, the 
" Tenasserim Provinces ^^ as they have since been called, embrace 
a distance of five hundred miles in length, and forty to eighty 
miles in breadth, according as the sea-coast approaches or re- 
cedes from the range of mountains which forms the eastern 
boundary of the British territory. This chain of mountains, 
rich in tin ores and other valuable minerals, runs, under dif- 
ferent names, from north to south, and, draining its eastern 
slopes into the Gulf of Siam, and its western slopes into the 
Indian Ocean or Bay of Bengal, forms a clear, well defined 
boundary between the kingdom of Siam and our Indian pos- 
sessions. 

The town of Tenasserim was once famous ; it is now of less 
importance. Not far from it are tin mines, worked by Chinese, 



16 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

wliicli may arrest the attention of the inquiring traveller. 
These mines are farmed from our Government ; but are under- 
stood to be generally unprofitable to the merchants. In Siam^ 
the cultivation of the soil is chiefly carried on by Chinese. 
Brass and rubies form the principal treasures of this strange 
country^ which, on . account of various misunderstandings 
between the king and other nations, has now an insignificant 
trafiic. After the conclusion of the treaty of Yandaboo, Sir 
A. Campbell, the Commander-in-Chief, selected the commanding 
position of Maulmain, at the point of junction of the Salween, 
the Gyne^ and the Attaran rivers, for the permanent canton- 
ment of a British force. 

The town of Maulmain has gradually become of considerable 
commercial importance, and with a good port for shipping, 
and every prospect of an extended timber trade, there is hope 
that it may one day rise to the dignity of an enlightened and 
wealthy city. 

But why should only one town gain happiness and prosperity 
in such a land as this ? Let us hope that Rangoon, and the 
other towns of Pegu, once a mighty and independent kingdom, 
may likewise soon prosper through the blessings of an extensive 
and well-protected commerce, doing honour to our government, 
and adding glory to the name of Great Britain in India beyond 
the Ganges. 

The above remarks, which may give some historical interest 
to his pages, include, with some other matter, the whole of the 
original sketch with which the writer introduced his readers, 
during the second Burmese war, to " Rangoon."-' Since then, the 
enterprising and munificent East India Company has given way 
to Her Majesty, who, in April 1876, assumed the title of " Em- 
press of India."' And, as will be fully seen towards the close of 
this volume, what a change has come over Rangoon ! It is now 
the Liverpool of Chin-India, the commercial capital of Burma, 
which only wants a greater development of trade with the 



INTEODUOTOEY SKETCH. 17 

upper portion of tlie country^ and south-west China^ to increase 
tlie wealtli of Pegu, wMcli chiefly requires a larger population, 
and which even now is the most hopeful princess among all 
Her Majesty^s Eastern provinces. The Burmese hereafter will, 
doubtless, be glad to learn that we entertained this strong view 
of their golden land^s excellence, especially if our hopes should 
be realised ; for we learn from high authority that, in speaking 
of their country, they often call it Ashe-Pyee, the Eastern 
country — " the country before, or superior to all others. ^^"^ 

It may here be useful to introduce the reader of this sketch 
to the correct spelling of Burma. In the present volume we have 
taken two letters out of the next most important word, Irra- 
waddy — in the Arabic wddi we find only one d — now presenting 
it as Irawady, although Irawadi, or Irawadee, may be better. 
From Burmah we have also lopped off the final and most un- 
necessary h. There is no h in the original Burmese word, which 
is"Myarama"; or Burma is a corruption of Mrumma. By 
all Burmese scholars the word is written Burma ; and it must 
be clearly understood that the spelling of Indian words, as now 
used, has nothing to do with that of Chin-Indian. " Burma,''^ 
however, is strictly used in the India OflSce. We were glad to 
notice this spelling adopted in a popular journal some six years 
ago ; but on the death of the late king, in particular, the in- 
truding h came forth again, and has been universally wrong 
ever since. The peculiarly Hindustani word subah, a province, 
may be so written in English because it ends with an h in the 
original character ; although suba is quite sufficient, and looks 
better or more simple when coupled with ddr, — suba-ddr, the 
chief of a province. But for the h in Burmah there is no pos- 
sible excuse, except that worst of all, bad habit. So let it be 
written Burma in the English language for the future ! It is 
good to turn attention even to such " trifles,-" especially when 



* General Albert Fytche's " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i., note, p. 212. 

l^ 2 



18 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

Orientals notice them, and when we are so forcibly reminded, by 
a well-known statesman,* that we are an Eastern as well as a 
Western Power ! 



Viscount Cranbrook, Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India. 



19 



CHAPTER II. 

THE FIEST BUEMESB WAE. FROM THE OUTBEEAK OE THE 
WAE TO THE DEATH OF BANDOOLA AT DONABEW. 

We now purpose to cite tlie chief military and political opera- 
tions during the First Burmese War. But first it may be 
stated that, as a reason for an earlier rupture not taking place, 
the Burman emperor^s hereditary enemies, the Siamese, in 
1823 engrossed the greater part of his attention. Subsequent 
events, however, speedily showed that the pacific or conciliatory 
disposition evinced by the East India Company only tended to 
increase the insolence and rapacity of the Burmese. 

In 1823 various acts of aggression were systematically com- 
mitted. Several of our Mugh subjects (Arakanese emigrants) 
were attacked and killed on board their own boats in the 
Naaf river ; and a party of the Company^s elephant hunters 
were taken from within the British boundaries and carried pri- 
soners to Arakan. Even these insulting acts might have 
been overlooked ; but an attack made upon the British guard 
in the island of Shuparee, of which we had retained possession 
for many years, was of a still more serious kind, and could be 
regarded in no other light than as an explicit declaration of 
undisguised hostility. 

2 * 



20 ' OUE BURMESE WAES. 

The attack was made on tlie 24th of September by a body 
of six hundred Arakanese troops, who killed and wounded 
several of our soldiers_, upon whom they came altogether un- 
expectedly. They were, however, speedily reinforced, and the 
enemy was driven oat of the island. A remonstrance was also 
immediately addressed to the Court of Amarapura, but no 
answer was deigned to be returned. The Governor- General 
now became aware that there was but one line of conduct left 
for him to follow, and that further forbearance on his part would 
have been attributed to pusillanimity, and advantage taken of 
it accordingly. On the 5th of March 1824, therefore, an 
official declaration of war was issued by the Government of 
Fort William — characterised not more strongly by its temperate 
firmness than by its British frankness and honesty. 

This step excited, as was to be expected, no inconsiderable 
sensation throughout our possessions in British India, as well 
as in England, as soon as the news arrived. It was at Calcutta, 
however, from its vicinity to the Chittagong frontier, that its 
importance was principally felt. 

It was known there that one of the Burmese generals had 
already gasconadingly announced his intention of taking pos- 
session of the town, preparatory to his march to England ! It 
was destined, however, that ere long the arrogance of this 
haughty nation should be effectually tamed. The war opened 
with military operations on the frontiers of Sylhet and Chitta- 
gong, to both of which districts troops were speedily marched. 
It was in Sylhet and Assam that affairs of greatest consequence 
took place. Our troops there were under the command of 
Major Newton, who, in several engagements with the far 
superior forces of the Burmese, gained decisive advantages 
over them. The first success obtained by the enemy was in an 
affair which took place at Doodpatlee, after Colonel Bowen had 
arrived to the assistance of Major Newton with a force from 
Dacca. The Burmese, amounting to about two thousand, had, 
according to their invariable custom, stockaded themselves with 



THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 21 

unusual strength and care, and " fought/^ says Colonel Bowen, 
"with a bravery and obstinacy which I had never witnessed in 
any troops/'' The action lasted from early in the day till night- 
fall, when the British were obliged to retire with a severe 
loss. 

The Burmese, however, also suffered much ; and soon after, 
evacuating their stockades, retreated in the direction of Assam. 
Fresh troops were sent into Assam under the command of 
Colonel M'Morine, who, by the latter end of March, had pene- 
trated as far as Gowahati. The Burmese Government, finding 
it necessary to concentrate their force in another quarter, with- 
drew the greater part of their troops from Assam, and left 
Colonel M^Morine in quiet possession of the country. In 
Chittagong, in the meantime, affairs were going on less success- 
fully. Captain Noton held the chief command on this frontier^ 
but an error seems to have been committed in intrusting too 
few men to his charge. The small corps he commanded was 
attacked in May by a powerful body of Burmese, and totally 
defeated. Captain Noton and most of his brother officers being 
slain in the engagement. The alarm speedily reached Calcutta, 
before which it was imagined the Burmese would instantly 
make their appearance, there being no intermediate force to 
oppose their advance. In this emergency, the European inha- 
bitants formed themselves into a militia, and a large proportion 
of the crews of the Company^s ships were landed to aid in pro- 
tecting the town. But the panic was soon discovered to be 
greater than the occasion required. 

The enemy did not think of approaching one step nearer 
than Eamoo, where, for a time, they took up their head- 
quarters. 

While these events were passing on the northern frontiers of 
the Burman Empire, a plan was matured by the Bengal Go- 
vernment, the execution of which was to effect an entire change 
in the features of the present war. Hitherto we had been 
acting principally on the defensive ; but it was necessary, con- 



22 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

sidering the enemy we had to deal with_, to make it a leading 
object not more to repel aggression than to humble arrogance 
and intimidate foolhardiness. It was necessary to show the 
Burmese that we could not only endure, but inflict ; that as 
we were not easily roused into anger, so our animosity was 
only the more fearful when it at length broke forth. The 
measure which was about to be carried into effect was that of 
despatching a considerable force by sea to make a descent upon 
some part of the enemy^s coast, where probably such a visita- 
tion was but little expected. The force destined for this im- 
portant expedition was supplied by the two Presidencies of 
Bengal and Madras; and, when united, was put under the 
command of Brigadier- G-eneral Sir Archibald Campbell. 

The place of rendezvous was the Port of Cornwallis, in the 
Andaman Islands, where the troops arrived by the 3rd of May 
1824. From thence Sir Archibald Campbell sailed on the 5th 
direct for Eangoon, detaching one part of his force under 
Brigadier M''Eeagh, against the island of Cheduba, and another, 
under Major Wahab, against the island of Negrais. On the 10th 
the fleet anchored in the Rangoon river, and on the following 
morning sailed up to the town in order of attack, receiving little 
or no molestation by the way. 

The Burmese at Rangoon seem to have been taken com- 
pletely by surprise ; and when the news of the arrival of a 
British fleet spread over the country, nothing could exceed the 
wondering consternation of the inhabitants. In whatever 
virtues, however, the Burmese may be deficient, certainly 
courage is not of the number; and as soon as their first 
emotions of astonishment had subsided, they prepared at all 
hazards for a resolute, and, in this instance, we ought perhaps 
to say patriotic, defence. Perceiving their feebleness, and being 
not as yet sufliciently aware of their hardihood and folly, the 
British commander humanely forbore opening a fire upon the 
town, in expectation that its governor would offer him some 
terms of capitulation. But it was soon discovered that no such 



THE FIEST BUEMESE WAR. 23 

intention was entertained. A feeble and ill-directed fire was 
commenced upon the ships from a sixteen-gun battery, which 
was in a very short time effectually silenced. The troops were 
then ordered into the boats to effect a landing, and in less than 
twenty minutes the British flag was seen flying in the town, 
without the loss of a single life, or the discharge of a single 
musket. It was only the houses of Kangoon, however, that 
were thus got possession of. The inhabitants had all betaken 
themselves to the jungles in the neighbourhood, and our troops 
found nothing but a collection of empty habitations to refresh 
themselves in after their fatigues. The quantity of ordnance 
captured was indeed considerable, but in general of a very im- 
perfect description. The islands of Cheduba and Negrais fell 
into our hands much about the same time, though not without 
a spirited opposition on the part of the inhabitants of both. 

The prospects of our little army, now quartered in Rangoon, 
were anything but encouraging. The town was empty, in the 
most literal sense of the word. Every attempt to establish any 
intercourse with the native Burmese, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing provisions, was found to be fruitless. The rainy season 
was just setting in, which in Eastern climates is always pecu- 
liarly unhealthy to European constitutions ; and, as far as any 
accurate information could be procured, it was ascertained that 
his golden-footed Majesty was making preparations, on the 
most magnificent scale, " to cover the face of the earth with an 
innumerable host, and to drive back the wild foreigners into 
the sea from whence they came ! ^' To add still further to the 
discomfort of Sir Archibald Campbell^s situation, some dis- 
agreements unfortunately took place betweea the naval and 
land forces. It had been expected, it is true, that the mere 
capture of Kangoou, together with the two other maritime 
possessions of the Burmese, already alluded to, would have 
produced such an effect on the Court of Ava that terms of 
peace would have been immediately proposed. 

Nothing, however, was further from the intentions of that 



24 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

proud Court ; and subsequent events proved, that though the 
Burmese may be beaten, they will die rather than confess they 
have been so. 

The Commander-in-Chief, therefore, finding that as yet no 
practical benefits had resulted from his success, and that, on 
the contrary, the almost impenetrable jungles which surround 
Rangoon were rapidly filling with troops from all quarters, ad- 
mirably skilled in every species of desultory warfare, and pre- 
pared to drive him either once more into his ships, or, if he 
thought of advancing, to dispute every inch of ground with 
him, saw the necessity of having recourse immediately to bold 
and vigorous measures. His first object was to ascertain the 
possibility of obtaining a sufficient number of boats, manned by 
skilful pilots, to convey a considerable portion of his force up 
the Irawady. This river may be set down as the great high 
road of the Burman Empire. Indeed, all the knowledge which 
we possess of that country was gathered by Colonel Symes, 
and our other envoys, upon its banks. It runs from north to 
south, through the whole of the kingdom of Ava j and to it 
alone is to be attributed the internal commercial prosperity of 
the empire. 

Every village on its banks is obliged to furnish one or more 
war-boats, carrying from forty to fifty men each ; and of these 
His Majesty can muster, on the shortest notice, four or five 
hundred. An impression appears to have been entertained by 
our Indian Government that, from the spirit of dissatisfaction 
which they supposed must necessarily exist in the minds of 
many of the inhabitants against the tyranny of their despotic 
monarch, they would be found, in numerous instances, willing 
to give all the aid in their power to the British. It was re- 
collected, besides, that Rangoon was a town of Pegu, one of 
the conquered provinces of the Burman Empire, and that, for 
a long period of years, the most determined hostility had 
existed between the two countries. There was perhaps nothing 
irrationally sanguine in the hopes which these considerations 



THE PIEST BUEMESE WAR. 25 

gave rise to, but they were entirely fallacious. Whatever com- 
plaints the Burmese might have among themselves against 
their government, and however severely the Peguers might 
continue to feel the subjection into which they had been re- 
duced from a state of independence, yet, like the people of 
ancient Greece, at the appearance of a common foe all these 
causes of internal dissension were forgotten. 

Not a single boatman acquainted with the navigation of the 
Irawady was to be procured ; and whether inspired with fear 
or patriotism, but one desire was manifested, from the throne 
to the hovel, — to shun all intercourse with the English. It 
would probably also have been dangerous to have ventured 
far up the Irawady unless the co-operation of a land force 
could have been depended on ; and before that could be the 
case, it would be necessary to clear the way by some hard 
fighting. The design, therefore, was for the present abandoned. 
In the meanwhile, the rainy season set in with all its attendant 
evils. The rain fell in such torrents that it was impossible 
for our troops to keep the field and act upon a regular sys- 
tem. Harassed, too, by continual incursions of the enemy, 
threatened with an approaching famine, and reduced by an 
epidemic which broke out amongst them to a state of the 
greatest debility, it seemed almost impossible for them to 
achieve anything of importance. Neither the hostility, how- 
ever, of the Burmese, nor of the climate, could subdue British 
courage. For six months, from May to December, our opera- 
tions were confined to Rangoon and its vicinity, it being the 
determination of the enemy to prevent us, if possible, from 
advancing a step into the country. Our ultimate success in 
compelling them to retreat further into the interior, and thereby 
affording us an opportunity of following them, depended not 
so much on the decisive advantage gained in any one action, as 
on the continued judgment and skill which regidated the whole 
system of our military tactics. We never advanced a few miles 
out of Rangoon for the purpose either of dislodging the enemy 



26 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

from a position they had taken up^ or of gaining possession of 
some post which appeared of importance, without being almost 
sure of achieving our object. But as soon as a certain resist- 
ance had been made, the Burmese were accustomed to retreat 
leisurely from their stockades into the jungles^ where, though 
we knew we had beaten them, it was impossible for us to follow. 
Many rencontres of this description took place, into the details 
of which it is unnecessary for us to enter. A short account 
of one or two of the most remarkable will suffice as a descrip- 
tion of the whole. 

On the 28th of May the British and Burmese troops came 
into contact for the first time. Sir Archibald Campbell led his 
forces about five miles up the Rangoon river, and found the 
enemy had taken a position in one or two scattered villages, 
flanked on both sides by a jungle. Confident in the strength 
of their situation, they received the British with shouts and 
cries of " Come ! come ! " A heavy fire was immediately com- 
menced upon our troops, vrhose muskets, having suffered 
from rain, were so inefiicient that it was necessary for them 
to close without loss of time. The Burmese were altogether 
unable to withstand the violence of our charge ; but, shut in as 
they were in their own encampment, and thrown into irretriev- 
able confusion by the impetuosity of our attack, their only 
alternative was to continue fighting with desperate resolution 
until they were cut to pieces. Being unaccustomed to give, 
they did not expect quarter; and in self-defence, therefore, 
our soldiers were unfortunately obliged to disregard the dictates 
of humanity. Having taken possession of the villages, in which 
about four hundred Burmese lost their lives, Sir Archibald re- 
conducted his troops to Rangoon. 

Soon after this affair two deputies arrived from the Burmese 
camp under pretence of negotiating a peace, but in reality 
only with the view of gaining time for the main body of the 
enemy to strengthen themselves as much as possible at Kem- 
mindiue, a village three miles above Rangoon, on an elevated 



THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 27 

situation^ with a thick forest in its rear. They were intended, 
perhaps, to act also as spies, and report upon the condition and 
spirits of the British army. Whatever was their object, nothing 
satisfactory was proposed by them in the interview they had 
with onr commissioners. 

Determined to convince the Burmese that we were not to be 
lulled into a treacherous security, our commander, on the 
morning of the day after their departure (10th June), ordered 
a general advance upon Kemmindine. The road was not left 
undisputed. About half-way a strong stockade ran across it, 
the fruitless attempt to defend which cost the enemy two 
hundred men. 

The way being cleared, the column again moved forward, 
consisting of about three thousand men, and by nightfall the 
troops had taken their position in many places within a hundred 
yards of where the enemy was posted. At daybreak on the 
following day, firing commenced, which upon our part, in less 
than two hours, produced a very visible breach in their fortifica- 
tions. This, together with the recollection of their discomfiture 
the day before, operated so powerfully on the Burmese, that, 
notwithstanding the still existing strength of their stockade, 
they thought proper quietly to evacuate the place during the 
cannonade. It was this facility of securing a retreat, assisted 
as they were by the chain of posts which they occupied, and 
the thickness of the surrounding jungle, that particularly 
annoyed our troops, who, just in the very moment of victory, 
constantly found that their enemy had slipped as it were from 
between their very fingers. The object, however, which Sir 
Archibald Campbell had in view in making this attack was fully 
accomplished. 

A terror of the British arms began to pervade the country ; 
and, in the course of a few days, every stockade in the imme- 
diate vicinity of Rangoon was abandoned. In this, as well as 
in all his other expeditions on the banks of the river, the 
Commander-in-Chief received most efi'ective and valuable 



28 OUE BUEMESB WARS. 

assistance from the co-operation of the naval part of his force. 
A short cessation from active hostilities took place after the 
affair of Kemmindiue ; but both parties were preparing to renew 
operations with increased vigour. A reinforcement arrived at 
Rangoon from Madras ; and the detachments which had taken 
possession of Cheduba and Negrais^ returned very seasonably to 
the main army, now a good deal weakened from various causes. 
The Burmese, on their part, were not idle. Their former generals 
having failed in driving '' the wild foreigners into the sea," had 
fallen into disgrace, and were succeeded by a senior officer of 
some reputation, who brought with him a considerable body of 
fresh troops. 

His object was, not so much to meet the British in open fight, 
as to hem them in within a limited space and harass them with 
a protracted system of desultory warfare. To such proceedings 
it was of course not our interest quietly to submit ; and accord- 
ingly, various expeditions were undertaken for the purpose of 
breaking through the cordon which the enemy was attempting 
to form round us. In one of these, ten stockades were taken 
in one day, and the new general, with many other chiefs of 
rank, were killed. Still, however, no thoughts of peace were 
entertained by the Burmese ; and it was now evident that, 
whatever successes were gained, as long as our operations were 
confined to the neighbourhood of Rangoon no efi"ect would be 
produced by them on the Court of Ava. Unprovided, there- 
fore, as Sir Archibald Campbell was with the means of ad- 
vancing into the interior, he resolved to have recourse to the 
only other alternative left him, which was to intimidate the 
Burmese still further by the capture of some of their southern 
maritime possessions. An expedition was fitted out for this 
purpose, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles, who, 
in the course of a few months, made himself master of Tavoy, 
Mergui, and Tenasserim, seaports of much importance on the 
eastern shores of the empire. Two of the King^s brothers, the 
Princes of Toungoo and Sarawuddy, now took the command of 



THE FIRST BUEMESB WAR. 29 

the army. The one fixed his head -quarters at Pegu^ and the 
other at Donabew, both at a considerable distance from Ran- 
goon. Along with them came a body of astrologers^ who were 
most probably kept in pay by the Burmese Government^ as 
useful engines by which to act on the superstition of the people ; 
and likewise a party of troops called the King-'s Invulnerables, 
from the belief entertained^ or affected to be entertained, 
both by themselves and their countrymen, that the fire of an 
enemy could not injure them. Notwithstanding the exten- 
sive nature of their preparations, however, and the confidence 
they expressed in their own success, the operations of this 
new armament ended as disastrously as those of any which 
had preceded it. Instead of gaining any advantage over the 
British, they were invariably driven back with considerable loss 
as often as they attempted to approach our encampments. Yet 
it is not to be denied or concealed that the Burmese are no 
contemptible antagonists ; they are constitutionally brave, they 
are trained to arms from their cradle, and there is a persevering 
obstinacy in their style of fighting, which, with troops less per- 
fectly disciplined than those of England, would have every 
chance of being ultimately crowned with success. 

But the golden-footed monarch of Ava had found out, at 
length, that however he might at first have affected to despise 
the small army which had taken possession of Rangoon, five 
or six hundred miles distant from his capital, it was more 
than a match for the best generals he could send against it, 
followed by thousands of his favourite troops. He saw the 
necessity, therefore, of collecting his energies for a yet more 
powerful effort. His forces, he found, were too much scat- 
tered; he was convinced that he was attempting to do too 
much at once. He recalled, therefore, the armies he had 
sent into Assam and Arakan; and, concentrating the whole 
military power of his kingdom, he gave the entire command 
to Maha Bandoola, the well-known Burmese general, whose 
reputation, from his partial successes over the British in 



30 OUR BTTEMBSE WARS. 

Cliittagong^ stood exceedingly high. Bandoola had advanced 
to Ramoo^ where he was probably making preparations for 
an expedition into Bengal ; and it is not unlikely that 
he found it exceedingly disagreeable to be awakened from 
his dream of future victory, by being recalled to defend his 
own country from invasion. 

His retreat from Eamoo, and subsequent march through 
Arakan (which, in the midst, as it was, of the rainy season, 
must have been a peculiarly arduous one), relieved the inha- 
bitants of Calcutta from considerable anxiety; and, shortly 
afterwards, enabled our troops in that quarter to advance with 
little opposition into the very interior of Arakan, taking posses- 
sion of the capital itself. 

As soon as Maha Bandoola arrived at Ava, every honour and 
attention was conferred upon him by his sovereign ; and after 
a short delay in the capital, he set out for Donabew, accompanied 
by a large fleet of war-boats, which carried down the river 
strong reinforcements of men and military stores. We were not, 
however, unprepared to receive these new enemies ; and some 
overtures of a friendly nature which we had a short time before 
received from the Siamese tended to inspire us with additional 
confidence. 

As it was now also clearly foreseen that an advance towards 
the capital of the empire would be necessary before we could 
expect to intimidate the Burman monarch into a desire for 
peace, five hundred native artisans had been sent to Rangoon 
from Chittagong, who were busily employed in preparing boats 
to convey our troops up the Irawady. The arrival, likewise, of 
several battalions of British and native infantry, as well as of 
some troops of cavalry, added considerably to our numerical 
and actual force. Towards the end of November the largest 
and best appointed army which the Burman Government had 
yet sent into the field marched down from Donabew, and made 
their appearance in the neighbourhood of Rangoon, with the 
intention of driving us first from our position at Kemmindine, 



THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 31 

and then of forcing the scattered remains of our army to seek 
for safety in their ships. 

The name of the Commander-in-Chief, Bandoola^ was in itself 
a tower o£ strength; and there was not probably a Burman 
into whose imagination the thought ever for a moment entered 
that this invincible leader could^ by any possibility^ be un- 
successful. Both armies met for the first time on the 1st 
of December; and as the particulars of their first engage- 
ment^ where so much talent was displayed on .both sides, cannot 
fail to be read with interest, we shall make no apology for in- 
troducing in this place an extract from the " London Gazette 
Extraordinary" of April 34^ 1835, consisting of — 

'^Copy of a letter from Brigadier- General Sir A. Campbell, 
K.C.B., to George Swinton, Esq., dated Head- quarters, Ran- 
goon, 9th December 1834. 

" Sir, — The long-threatened, and, on my part, no less 
anxiously wished for event, has at length taken place. Maha 
Bandoola, said to be accompanied by the Princes of Tonghoo 
and Sarawuddy, appeared in front of my position on the morn- 
ing of the 1st instant, at the head of the whole united force of 
the Burman Empire, amounting, upon the most moderate 
calculation, to from fifty to sixty thousand men, appa- 
rently well armed, with a numerous artillery, and a body of 
Cassay horse. Their haughty leader had insolently declared 
his intention of leading us in captive chains to grace the triumph 
of the Golden Monarch; but it has pleased God to expose 
the vanity of his idle threats, and crown the heroic efibrts 
of my gallant little army with a most complete and signal 
victory. 

" The enemy had assembled his forces in the heavy jungle in 
our front during the night of the 30th ult., and^ being well 
aware of his near approach, I had previously made every neces- 
sary arrangement for his reception, in whatever way he might 
think proper to leave his impervious camp. The absence of 



-32 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

Lieutenant- Colon el Godwin"^ at Martaban^ and of a strong de- 
tachment under Lieutenant- Colonel Mallet^ which I had sent to 
display the British flag in the ancient capital of Pegue_, had much 
weakened my force; but I had been too long familiar with the 
resolute resolution of British troops to have felt any regret that 
fortune had given me an opportunity of contending with Ban- 
doola and his formidable legions, even under circumstances of 
temporary disadvantage. 

^^ Early in the morning of the 1st inst., the enemy com- 
menced his operations by a smart attack upon our post at 
Kemmindine, commanded by Major Yates, and garrisoned by 
the 26th Madras Native Infantry, with a detachment of the 
Madras European Regiment, supported on the river by as 
strong a naval force as could be spared. As the day became 
light it discovered numerous and apparently formidable masses 
of the advancing enemy issuing from the jungle, and moving, 
at some distance, upon both our flanks, for the purpose of sur- 
rounding us, which I allowed them to effect without interrup- 
tion, leaving us only the narrow channel of the Rangoon river 
unoccupied in our rear. 

" Bandoola had now fully exposed to me his plan of opera- 
tions, and ray own resolution was instantly adopted of allow- 
ing, and even encouraging him to bring forth his means and 
resources from the jungle to the more open country on his 
left, where I knew I could at any time attend him to ad- 
vantage. 

"The right corps of the Burmese army had crossed to the 
Dalla side of the Rangoon river, and in the course of the 
morning was observed, in several divisions, crossing the plain 
towards the site of the ruined village of Dalla, where it took 
post in the neighbouring jungle, sending on a division to occupy 



* Afterwards Major-General Grodwin, C.B., commanding " the army of 
Ava " in the second Burmese war. 



THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 33 

the almost inaccessible ground on the bank of the river_, and 
from which they soon opened a distant fire upon the shipping. 
Another division immediately took ground in front of Kem- 
mindincj and for six successive days tried in vain every effort 
that hope of success and dread of failure could call forth^ to 
drive the brave 26th and a handful of Europeans from this 
post; while tremendous fire-rafts^ and crowds of war-boats, 
were every day employed in the equally vain endeavour to 
drive the shipping from their station off the place. 

^'^The enemy^s right wing and centre occupied a range of 
hills immediately in front of the great Dagon pagoda, covered 
with so thick a forest as to be impenetrable to all but Burman 
troops ; and their left extended nearly two miles further, along 
a lower and more open ridge to the village of Puzendoon^ 
where their extreme left rested. They were no sooner thus 
placed in position, than muskets and spears were laid aside for 
the pick-axe and shovel, and in an incredibly short space of 
time every part of their line out of the jungle was strongly and 
judiciously entrenched. 

" In the afternoon of the 1st, I observed an opportunity of 
attacking the enemy's left to advantage, and ordered Major 
Sale, with four hundred men from the 13th Light Infantry, 
and 18th Madras Native Infantry, under Major Dennie of the 
former and Captain Ross of the latter corps, to move forward 
to the point I had selected; and I never witnessed a more 
dashing charge than was made on this occasion by His Ma- 
jesty ^s 13th, while the 18th Native Infantry followed their 
example with a spirit that did them honour, carrying all oppo- 
sition before them. They burst through the entrenchments, 
carrying dismay and terror into the enemy^s ranks, great num- 
bers of whom were slain ; and the party returned loaded with 
arms, standards, and other trophies. Having correctly ascer- 
tained everything I required, I now, as I originally determined, 
abstained from giving any serious interruption to the inde- 
fatigable labour of the opposing army, patiently waiting until 

3 



34 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

I saw the whole of their material fully brought forward and 
within my reach. About sunset in the evening, a cloud of 
skirmishers were pushed forward close under the north-east 
angle of the pagoda, who, taking advantage of the many pa- 
godas and strong ground on our front, commenced a harassing 
and gaUing fire upon the works. I at once saw we should 
suffer from their fire, if not dislodged; therefore ordered two 
companies of the 38th Regiment, under Captain Piper (an 
officer I have often had occasion to mention), to advance and 
drive them back. Were it permitted, on such an occasion, to 
dwell upon the enthusiastic spirit of my troops, I would feel 
a pleasure in recounting the burst of rapture that followed 
every order to advance against their audacious foe ; but it is 
sufficient to remark that the conduct of these two companies 
was most conspicuous. They quickly gained their point, and 
fully acted up to the character they have ever sustained. At 
daylight on the morning of the 3nd, finding the enemy had 
very much encroached during the night, and had entrenched a 
height in front of the north gate of the pagoda, which gave 
them an enfilading fire upon part of our line, I directed Cap- 
tain Wilson of the 38th Regiment, with two companies of the 
corps and one hundred men of the 38th Madras Native In- 
fantry, to drive them from the hill. No order was ever more 
rapidly or handsomely obeyed. The brave sepoys, vying with 
their British comrades in forward gallantry, allowed the ap- 
palled Burmese no time to rally, but drove them from one 
breastwork to another, fighting them in the very holes they 
had dug, finally to prove their graves. 

" In the course of this day Colonel Mallet^s detachment re- 
turned from Pegue, having found the old city completely 
deserted, and gave me the additional means of attacking the 
enemy the moment the time arrived. 

" During the 3rd and 4th the enemy carried on his labours 
with indefatigable industry ; and but for the inimitable prac- 
tice of our artillery, commanded by Captain Murray in the 



THE riEST BUEMESB WAE. 35 

absence^ from indisposition^ of Lieutenant-Colonel Hojd«nson, 
we must have been severely annoyed by tbe incessant fire from 
his trenches. 

" The attacks upon Kemmindine continued with unabating 
violence; but the unyielding spirit of Major Yates and his 
steady troops^, although exhausted with fatigue and want of 
rest, baflBed every attempt on shore ; while Captain RyveSj with 
His Majesty^s sloop 'Sophia/ the Honourable Company^s 
cruiser '^ Teignmouth/ and some flotilla and row gun-boats, 
nobly maintained the long-established fame of the British navy 
in defending the passage of the river against the most furious 
assaults of the enemy's war-boats_, advancing under cover of 
the most tremendous fire-rafts, which the unwearied exertions 
of British sailors could alone have conquered. 

'' Captain Eyves lost no opportunity of coming into contact 
with the much-vaunted boats of Ava; and in one morning, 
five out of six, each mounting a heavy piece of ordnance, were 
boarded and captured by our men-of-war^s boats, commanded 
by Lieutenant Kellett of His Majesty^s ship 'Arachne,' and 
Lieutenant Goldfinch of the ' Sophia/ whose intrepid conduct 
merits the highest praise. 

" The enemy having apparently completed his left wing with 
its full complement of artillery and warlike stores, I deter- 
mined to attack that part of his line early on the morning of 
the 5th. I requested Captain Chads, the senior naval ofl&cer 
here, to move up to the Puzendoon creek during the night, 
with the gun flotilla, bomb-ketch, &c., and commence a can- 
nonade on the enemy^s rear at daylight. This service was 
most judiciously and successfully performed by that officer, 
who has never yet disappointed me in my most sanguine ex- 
pectations. At the same time two columns of attack were 
formed, agreeably to orders I had issued on the preceding 
evening, composed of details from the different regiments of 
the army. The first, consisting of one thousand one hundred 
men, I placed under the orders of that gallant officer Major 

3 * 



36 OUE BURMESE WAE.S. 

Sale^ and directed him to attack and penetrate the centre of 
the enemy's line ; the other^ consisting of six hundred men_, I 
entrusted to Major Walker of the 3rd Madras Native Light 
Infantry, with orders to attack their left, which had approached 
to within a few hundred yards of Rangoon . At seven o'clock 
both columns moved forward to the point of attack ; both were 
led to my perfect satisfaction, and both succeeded with a 
degree of ease their intrepid and undaunted conduct un- 
doubtedly insured ; and I directed Lieutenant Archibald, with 
a troop of the Governor- General's body-gaard, which had 
been landed the preceding evening, to follow the column under 
Major Sale, and take advantage of any opportunity which 
might offer, to charge. 

" The enemy were defeated and dispersed in every direction ; 
and the body-guard, gallantly charging over the broken and 
swampy ground, completed their terror and dismay. The 
Cassay horse fled, mixed with the retreating infantry ; and all 
their artillery, stores, and reserve depots, which had cost them 
so much toil and labour to get up, with a great quantity of 
small arms, gilt chattahs, standards, and other trophies, fell 
into our hands. Never was victory more complete or more 
decided ; and never was the triumph of discipline and valour, 
over the disjointed efforts of irregular courage and infinitely 
superior numbers, more conspicuous. Majors Dennie and 
Thornhill of the 13th Light Infantry, and Major Gore of 
the 89th, were distinguished by the steadiness with which they 
led their men ; but it is with deep regret I have to state the 
loss we have sustained in the death of Major Walker, one of 
India's best and bravest soldiers, who fell while leading his 
column into the enemy's entrenchments ; when the command 
devolved upon Major Wahab, who gallantly conducted the 
column during the rest of the action; and I observed the 
34tli Madras Native Light Infantry, on this occasion, conspicu- 
ously forward. 

" The Burmese left wing thus disposed of, I patiently waited 



THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 37 

its effect upon the riglit, posted in so thick a forest as to 
render any attack in that quarter in a great measure imprac- 
ticable. 

" On the 6th I had the pleasure of observing that Bandoola 
had brought up the scattered remnant of his defeated left to 
strengthen his right and centre,, and continued day and night 
employed in carrying on his approaches in front of the great 
pagoda. I ordered the artillery to slacken its fire^ and the in- 
fantry to keep wholly out of sights allowing him to carry on 
his fruitless labour with little annoyance or molestation. As 
I expected^ he took system for timidity ; and on the morning 
of the 7th instant^ I had his whole force posted in my imme- 
diate front — his first line entrenched so close that the soldiers 
in their barracks could distinctly hear the insolent threats and 
reproaches of the Burman bravoes. 

" The time had now arrived to undeceive them in their san- 
guine^ but ill-founded^ hopes. I instantly made my arrange- 
mentSj and at half-past 11 o^ clock everthing was in readiness to 
assault the trenches in four columns of attack^ under the 
superintendence of Lieutenant- Colon el Miles, my second in 
command, and commanded by Lieutenant-Colonels Mallet, 
Parlby, Brodie, and Captain Wilson of the 38th Regiment. 
At a quarter before 12 I ordered every gun that would bear 
upon the trenches to open, and their fire was kept up with an 
effect that never was surpassed ; Major Sale at the same time, 
as directed, making a diversion on the enemy^s left and rear. 
At 12 o^ clock the cannonade ceased, and the columns moved for- 
ward to their respective points of attack. Everything was done 
under my own immediate eye, but, where all behaved so nobly, 
I cannot particularise ; but I must in justice state that Captain 
Wilson's and Lieutenant-Colonel Parlby's divisions first made 
an impression, from which the enemy never recovered. They 
were driven from all their works without a check, abandoning 
all their guns, with a great quantity of arms of every descrip- 
tion ; and certainly not the least amusing part of their formid- 



38 OUE BUEMESE -WAES. 

able preparations was a great number of ladders for escalading 
the great pagoda, found in rear of their position. The total 
defeat of Bandoola-'s army was now most fully accomplished. 
His loss in killed and wounded, from the nature of the ground, 
it is impossible to calculate ; but I am confident I do not ex- 
ceed the fairest limit when I state it at five thousand men. In 
every other respect the mighty host, which so lately threatened 
to overwhelm us, now scarcely exists. It commenced its in- 
glorious flight during last night. Humbled, dispersing, and 
deprived of their arms, they cannot for a length of time again 
meet us in the field ; and the lesson they have now received 
will, I am confident, prove a salutary antidote to the native 
arrogance and vanity of the Burmese nation. 

'' Thus vanished the hopes of Ava; and those means which 
the Burmese Government were seven months in organising for 
our annihilation, have been completely destroyed by as in the 
course of seven days. Of three hundred pieces of ordnance 
that accompanied the grand army, two hundred and forty are 
now in our camp, and in muskets their loss is to them irre- 
parable. 

" Our loss in killed and wounded, although severe, will not, 
I am sure, be considered great for the important services we 
have had the honour to perform. 

" Of my troops I cannot say enough ; their valour was only 
equalled by the cheerful patience with which they bore long 
and painful privations. My Europeans fought like Britons, and 
proved themselves worthy of the country that gave them birth ; 
and I trust I do the gallant sepoys justice when I say that 
never did troops more strive to obtain the palm of honour 
than they to rival their European comrades in everything that 
marks the steady, true, and daring soldier. 

"My obligations to Captains Chads and Ryves, and the 
officers and seamen of His Majesty^s navy, are great and 
numerous. In Captain Chads himself I have always found 
that ready alacrity to share our toils and dangers that has 



THE^FIEST EURMESE WAE. 39 

ever characterised the profession he belongs to^ and the most 
cordial zeal in assisting and co-operating with me on every 
occasion. I have also to notice the good conduct of the 
Honourable Company^s cruisers^ the gun-flotilla^ and row- 
boats. Nor ought I to omit mentioning the handsome conduct 
of Captain Binny^ acting agent for the Bengal transports, in 
volunteering both his European crew and ship for any service. 
On the present occasion she was anchored ofi" Dalla, and sus- 
tained some loss from the enemy's fire. I may also add that 
every transport in the river was equally anxious to contribute 
every possible assistance to the public service.'''' 

Notwithstanding the defeat, so unexpected on his part, 
which Bandoola thus sustained, not many days elapsed before 
that indefatigable leader succeeded in rallying his scattered 
forces, and with a body of about twenty -five thousand men re- 
turned to within three miles of the pagoda alluded to in Sir 
Archibald CampbelFs despatch, and " commenced entrenching 
and stockading," in the words of that general, '' with a judg- 
ment in point of position such as would do credit to the best 
instructed engineers of the most civilised and warlike nations.''' 
This position,"^ however. Sir Archibald determined to attack 
on the 15th of December ; and from the admirable manner in 
which the fire of the artillery was directed, in less than fifteen 
minutes the columns destined for carrying the breach were in 
possession, not only of the enemy's work, but of his camp, 
which was left standing, -with all the baggage, and a great 
proportion of his arms and ammunition. " When it is 
known,'' says the Commander-in-Chief, "that one thousand 
three hundred British infantry stormed and carried by assault 
the most formidable entrenched and stockaded works I ever saw, 
defended by upwards of twenty thousand men, I trust it is un- 



* Kokeen, four miles from the great pagoda at Rangoon. 



40 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

necessary for me to say more in praise of soldiers performing 
such a prodigy ; future ages will scarcely believe it." 

It is proper^ however, to mention that upon this occasion 
Bandoola did not command in person ; the chief to whom he 
had entrusted that duty was mortally wounded whilst gallantly 
defending the stockade. 

On the same day on which this very brilliant action took 
place, under the superintendence of Captain Chads, the senior 
naval officer at Eangoon, an attack was made upon a fleet of 
thirty-two of the enemy^s war-boats. Of these, principally 
through the aid of the " Diana " steamboat, which accompanied 
this expedition, and the celerity of whose motions, even against 
wind and tide, inspired the Burmese with the greatest con- 
sternation, thirty were captured, having been previously aban- 
doned by their crews, who, upon the approach of the steamboat, 
threw themselves into the river, and were either drowned or 
swam ashore, apparently in an agony of terror. 

In consequence of these continued disasters, Maha Bandoola 
found it necessary to lead back his army, much shattered, to 
Donabew. 

It was now for the first time that the British army at Ban- 
goon found itself in undisturbed possession of a considerable 
district of country, and active preparations were immediately 
made for taking every advantage of this new situation of affkirs. 
Orders were issued to prepare for a speedy advance into the in- 
terior ; and besides the continual arrival of transports from the 
Presidencies, this object was not a little favoured by the return 
of many of the inhabitants of the country to their former 
places of residence in Rangoon and its vicinity, and by their 
consenting to open a regular traffic with the British in all 
articles of consumption. Some of the native watermen, too, 
volunteered into our service, by whose assistance we were en- 
abled to obviate many of the difficulties which our ignorance 
of the navigation of the Irawady would otherwise have occa- 
sioned. 



THE FIEST BUEMESE WAR. 41 

Certainly at this moment the situation of the Burmese 
monarch was anything but enviable. The most numerous armies, 
headed by the most skilful generals he could send into the field, 
had been defeated again and again. The victorious troops at 
Rangoon were about to march for Ava ; and from the north- 
east frontier of Arakan a large force under Brigadier- General 
Morison was preparing to enter his empire, and, if possible, to 
co-operate with Sir Archibald Campbell^s division ; from Sylhet, 
another army, under Brigadier- General Shouldham, threatened 
to advance to the capital through Cassay ; in Assam, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Richards was busy with a small but active corps ; and 
on the south the Siamese, who had already manifested their 
friendly dispositions towards the British, held out hopes of 
their making a movement in conjunction with our columns 
which were to march up the Irawady. His celestial Majesty, 
however, is not easily terrified, or, if he is, he has too much 
pride to show it. Upon the present occasion he boldly stood 
at bay, and manfully prepared for resistance at whatever cost. 

It was on the 13th of February 1825 that the general advance 
of the British troops commenced. They were divided into two 
columns ; the one, about two thousand strong, proceeding by 
land, under the command of Sir Archibald Campbell ; and the 
other by water, under Brigadier- General Cotton, consisted of 
about one thousand European infantry, with a powerful train 
of artillery, which was embarked in a flotilla of sixty boats, 
commanded by Captain Alexander. The land column was to 
proceed, in the first place, up the Lain river, and efi'ect a junction 
with Brigadier-General Cotton as near Donabew as possible. A 
smaller force, under Major Sale, was also ordered to take pos- 
session of Bassein, after which it likewise was to join the main 
body at Donabew. Brigadier M'Reagh, with the remainder of 
the troops, was left in command at Rangoon, and was to 
employ himself in superintending the fortification of that town, 
which went on briskly. The land force, under General Camp- 
bell, marched to Lain, without meeting any resistance 



42 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

whatever. Its distance from Eangoon is about fifty miles j but, 
owing to tbe uncultivated state of the country, and the absence 
of everything like regular roads, the troops, though in high 
health and spirits, could seldom advance more than eight miles 
a day. 

They left Rangoon on the 14th, and did not reach Lain till 
the 23rd of February. The town, though the capital of a pretty 
extensive district, was found quite deserted, and a halt was made 
at it for only a single night ; after which, the column resumed 
its march towards Donabew with all possible expedition. By 
the 7th March it was near enough that place to hear distinctly 
the sound of a cannonade which the marine division under 
General Cotton, having arrived first, had already opened upon 
it. The operations of this division, in passing up the Irawady, 
had necessarily been much more arduous than those of the land 
column. Various stockades and entrenchments had been thrown 
up upon the banks to oppose its progress. At Panlang, in 
particular, a very spirited affair took place, where between four 
thousand and five thousand Burmese were driven back from 
very powerful fortifications with considerable loss. Upon this 
and other similar occasions, the shells and rockets used by the 
British were found of the greatest service, both as tending to 
throw the enemy into confusion and to save the lives of our men. 

After these successes. Brigadier- General Cotton proceeded 
direct to Donabew; and though Sir Archibald Campbell had 
not yet come up, he determined upon attacking the enemy, 
who, headed by Bandoola, mustered about fifteen thousand 
strong, and had fortified their position in the most skilful and 
soldier-like manner. An outer stockade, which our marine 
force first attacked, was carried with a loss to the enemy of 
about four hundred men. The attempt made upon the second 
stockade was less successful; and, after being exposed for a 
considerable time to a heavy fire. General Cotton found it 
necessary to re-embark the troops he had landed for the pur- 
pose of making the assault, and dropped down four miles 



THE FIEST BUEMBSE WAE. 43 

below Donabewj there to wait until reinforced. Our loss in 
this second affair was serious. 

In the meanwhile. Sir Archibald Campbell, not altogether 
aware of the formidable resistance which was to be made at 
Donabew, had pushed on several days' march towards Prome, 
a city of some magnitude, and which he understood was the 
head-quarters of the enemy. On the 11th of March he re- 
ceived despatches informing him of the failure of the attack 
upon the outworks at the former place, and, after some delibe- 
ration, he judged it proper to retrace his steps to the assistance 
of General Cotton. On the 14thj and four following days, his 
troops were employed in crossing the Irawady, which it was 
necessary to do before they could reach Donabew. The task 
was one of no slight difficulty; but, in the words of Major 
Snodgrass, "energy and perseverance, aided by the cheerful 
and hearty exertions of the soldiers, finally triumphed over 
every obstacle,^' It was not, however, till the 25th that the 
army arrived within gun-shot distance of Donabew. 

The main stockade at the fort of Donabew was upwards of a 
mile in length, composed of solid teak beams, from fifteen to 
seventeen feet high, and from five hundred to eight hundred 
yards broad. Behind this were the brick ramparts of the place, 
surmounted by a large deep ditch filled with spikes, nails, and 
holes; and the ditch itself was shut in with several rows of 
strong railings, together with an abatis of great breadth. Our 
camp was hardly pitched before a sortie was made from the 
fort, which, though of a formidable appearance at first, ended 
in smoke. For several days skirmishes of a desultory kind 
took place before the works, without producing any serious im- 
pression on either side. On the 1 st of April a continued fire of 
rockets was kept up on our part, with little or no return from 
the enemy, a circumstance which occasioned some surprise. 
The cause, however, was satisfactorily enough explained next 
day. The fort of Donabew was nearly evacuated; for, on the 
morning of the 1st, Maha Bandoola, while going his rounds. 



44 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

had been killed on tlie spot by a rocket ; and such was the panic 
which instantly took possession of the garrison^ that the sur- 
viving chiefs found it utterly impossible to keep it any longer 
together. 

Just as the enemy's rear-guard flew towards the neighbour- 
ing jungle on the 2nd, our army took possession of the place, 
and found in it a great store not only of guns and ammunition, 
but of grain sufficient for many months' consumption. The 
death of Maha Bandoola was probably the greatest misfortune 
which the Burman monarch had yet sustained. There can be 
little doubt that he possessed talents of no mean order ; and the 
respect, approaching to awe, which he had inspired in his 
soldiers, made them a great deal more formidable when under 
his command than that of anyone else. One of the prisoners 
found in the fort related the particulars of his general's death 
in these words : " I belong to the household of Menghi Maha 
Bandoola, and my business was to beat the great drums that 
are hanging in the verandah of the Wongee's house. Yester- 
day morning, between the hours of nine and ten, while the 
chief's dinner was preparing, he went out to take his usual 
morning walk round the works, and arrived at his observatory 
(that tower with a red ball upon it), where, as there was no 
firing, he sat down upon a couch which was kept there for his 
use. While he was giving orders to some of his chiefs, the 
English began throwing bombs, and one of them falling close 
to the general, burst, and killed him on the spot. His body 
was immediately carried away and burnt to ashes. His death 
^y-as soon known to everybody in the stockade, and the soldiers 
refused to stay and fight under any other commander. The 
chiefs lost all influence over their men, every individual thinking 
only of providing for his own personal safety." 

Maha Bandoola. 

The death of Bandoola, which was the turning-point of the 
Pirst Burmese War, forces Major Snodgrass, in his excellent 



THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 45 

narrative^ to dwell at some length on the character of the 
greatest of all Burmese generals ; and some points therein sug- 
gest a comparison with our clever and wily warlike enemy at the 
Cape^ King Cetawayo^ who^ strange to say, may now (August 
1879) be bearded in his den, or Icraal, wherever that may be, 
by Sir Garnet Wolseley, who, as will be seen hereafter, in the 
Second Burmese "War first distinguished himself while, as a 
dashing and fearless ensign, leading a storming party in the 
land of the Golden Foot* at Donabew. 

Before giving the Major's summing-up of Bandoola^s cha- 
racter, it may be remarked that, in our opinion, two qualities 
reigned pre-eminent in him, namely, vainglory — according to 
Bacon an essential point in commanders and soldiers — and a 
superstitious fear, inseparable from a Burman and a believer in 
Gautama, in which religion .spirits, charms, transmigrations, 
Niebhan or Nirvana — annihilation, and yet, as Gautama men- 
tions an '' eternal city,^"* hardly perfect annihilation — form the 
leading features. We know that. East and West, superstition 
has been the confusion of many States, and we also know that (to 
support the philosopher's theory) its practical effect, during the 
last fifty or sixty years in Upper Burma, has been to bring in a 
new primum mobile that has " ravished all the spheres of govern- 
ment.''' Bandoola was certainly, without intending it, a man 
glorious for mischief. The biographer of Charles XII. considers 
conquerors a species between good kings and tyrants ; and we 
are ever eager to know the most minute circumstances of their 
lives. The Burman, like many great European warriors in his- 
tory, must needs be violent to " make good his own vaunt " ; and 



* When a Burmese subject means to affirm that the King has heard any- 
thing, he says "It has reached the golden ears"; he who has obtained 
admittance to the royal presence has been at the " golden feet." The perfume 
of otto of I'oses is described as being grateful to the " golden nose." Gold is 
the type of excellence among Burmans — as Shakspeare says, " Gold — yellow, 
glittering, precious gold ! " Yet, although so highly valued for ornament, it 
is not used for coin in the country. 



46 OUE BUEMESB WARS. 

it was probably in this state of mind tbat^ sometime before a 
similar threat, already mentioned, witli regard to Calcutta, 
Bandoola marched with his army through the Aeng pass into 
Arakan — asserting Burmese rights to Bengal — taking with him 
a pair of golden fetters to hind the Governor-General (Lord 
Hastings) ! 

Another anecdote of him, bringing forth the superstitious fear, 
may be related : — 

During an early period of the operations, Bandoola, having 
heard so much of the destructive properties of a shell, desired 
that one should be brought to him for inspection. A shell, 
with a very long fuse, having been projected by the British, 
the live creature was being brought, fizzing at a dreadful rate, 
to the chief. This they thought to be a decided failure, and 
the thing might be examined. The warrior, at some distance, 
surveyed, with great curiosity, the unfortunate men bringing 
the fiery fiend along. Another second or two, and it burst, 
killing the carriers and everyone beside it. Bandoola was 
thunderstruck : and, for the whole of that day, his courage left 
him. 

The civilised " Swedish Charles " comes to the mind at this 
juncture; and we think of his placid air on the bursting of 
the bomb in the house at Stralsund, where he was dictating, 
and his cool remark, — on the consternation of his secretary, 
after the latter's " Ah, Sire, the bomb ! "—" What has the 
bomb to do with the letter I am dictating? Go on." 

True enough, in the case of Charles, the shell had killed no 
one ; but, would Bandoola, like him " who left a name at which 
the world grew pale," have exposed his own life to save a fellow- 
creature, as he did to protect one of his generals (Lieven) at 
Thorn?* We think not. And this forms an important 



* This is one of the most remarkable instances of true courage in military 
history. As the general had on a bine coat, richly trimmed with gold, thus in- 
viting destruction, Charles, in his plain blue with brass buttons (which, as well 



THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 47 

difference in the military character of the Asiatic and the 
European. 

It^ doubtless, does so also in that of the African warrior and 
the British officer or soldier ; for we have not yet heard of the 
renowned King CetawayO;, on any occasion, emulating the gal- 
lant and noble lord who has received the Victoria Cross for 
conspicuous bravery in saving the life of a sergeant, at the 
risk of his own, during a reconnaisance before the battle of 
Ulundi. 

We now turn from this perhaps pardonable digression to 
Major Snodgrass^s character of Bandoola, with the remark 
that no other leading Burman has since displayed similar warlike 
capacity and energy, although the nearest approach to him in 
the second war was the powerful robber chieftain Myat-htoon, 
who gave us so much trouble at and around Donabew. Major 
Snodgrass writes : — 

"The character of Maha Bandoola seems to have been a 
strange mixture of cruelty and generosity, talent with want of 
judgment, and a strong regard to personal safety, combined 
with great courage and resolution, which never failed him till 
death. The acts of barbarous cruelty he committed are too 
numerous to be related; stern and inflexible in all his decrees, 
he appears to have experienced a savage pleasure in witnessing 
the execution of his bloody mandates ; even his own hand was 
ever ready to punish with death the slightest mark of want of 
zeal in those he had intrusted with commands or the defence 



as the cocked hat with a bullet-hole in it, the writer saw religiously preserved 
in a glass case at Stockholm), placed himself before his " subject," entirely 
screening him, to save him from being hit ; but a volley of cannon, which cam.e 
in flank, " struck the general dead on the spot which the King had scarcely 
quitted." The death of this officer, apparently killed exactly ia his stead, 
made him, says his biographer, believe in " absolute predestination," and that 
he was reserved for yet greater things — an idea which Bandoola may also 
have cherished, till what was probably a shell Congreve rocket caused his 
death. 



48 OUE BORMESE WAES. 

of any post. Still his immediate adherents are said to have 
been sincerely attached to him ; uncontrolled license to plunder 
and extort from all who were unfortunate enough to meet 
Bandoola^s men^ may no doubt have reconciled them to their 
situation^ and confirmed them much in their attachment to 
their leader. The management of a Burmese army^ for so long 
a period contending against every disadvantage to which a 
general can be subjected, evinced no small degree of talent ; 
while the position and defences at Donabew, as a field-work, 
would have done credit to the most scientific engineer. But 
it is difficult to account for his motives, or give credit to his 
judgment, in giving up the narrow rivers of Panlang and Lain, 
where a most effectual opposition could have been given, to 
fight his battle on the banks of the broad Irawady, where the 
ground was favourable to the regular movement of disciplined 
troops. During the days of his prosperity Bandoola seldom 
exposed his person — in the battles of Rangoon and Kokeen he 
was never under fire ; but he did not hesitate, when circum- 
stances required it, to allow himself to be hemmed in at Dona- 
bew, where he boldly declared he would conquer or die, and, 
till he actually fell, set his men the first example of the courage 
he required in all.-'-' 

It is not probable that Upper Burma will furnish another 
Bandoola ; but, under any circumstances, we must be prepared 
for him, and never be so mad as to despise our enemy ! 



49 



CHAPTEE III. 

FROM THE ADVANCE ON PEOME TO THE CONCLUSION OF A 
TREATY OP PEACE AT YANDABOO, 24tH EEBRUAEY 1826. 

The British force now pushed on to Prome with as little delay 
as possible, well aware that decisive measures alone would pro- 
duce any effect on the obstinate and arrogant Court of Ava. 
No hostile interruption was attempted to be made; but 
^'^ letters were received, in the course of the march, from the 
Burmese authorities at Prome, intimating the willingness of 
the Government to conclude a peace." ^'^ As it was suspected, 
however/^ continues Mr. Bell,"^ " that this was merely a strata- 
gem for the sake of gaining time, Sir Archibald Campbell re- 
plied that as soon as he had taken military possession of Prome, 
he would be happy to listen to any overtures of an amicable 
nature which might be made to him.^' The prudence of this 
determination was very clearly perceived when the army arrived 
before that city, where every preparation was making for a 
vigorous defence. The celerity of our motions, however, was 
too much for the enemy, who, being taken by surprise before 



■ * The Calcutta publislier (in 1852) of "An Account of the Burman Empire," 
compiled from various standard works, thus alltides to Mr. Henry G. Bell's 
succinct and clear narrative : — " The Account of the Burmese War of 1824, by 
Mr. H. G. Bell, which concludes the work, will be a good substitute for the 
voluminous narrative of Snodgrass, to those who have not access to the latter 
volume." — The greater portion of Mr. Bell's narrative is contained in the 
present Abstract. 

4 



50 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

their fortifications were corapleted, retired during tlie night of 
the 24th of April, and, on the 25th, General Campbell entered 
the place without firing a shot. As the rainy season was about 
to set in, and the campaign therefore necessarily near a close, 
our head-quarters were fixed at Prome, from whence a detach- 
ment marched, during May, towards Toungoo, taking possession 
of the intermediate country, and returning about the end of 
May to Prome. TJie Prince of Sarawuddy, who now headed 
the remnant of the Burmese army, fell back upon Melloon, 
and busied himself in raising recruits, to the number of about 
thirty thousand, for the ensuing campaign. 

During the stay of the British at Prome, everything was 
done to conciliate the good-will and secure the confidence of 
such of its native inhabitants as returned to it. The conse- 
quences were particularly happy. The tide of population flowed 
backj and not only at Prome, but in all the towns and dis- 
tricts which had been already passed, an active and cheerful 
people returned to live in unmolested quiet, perfectly satisfied 
of the good faith and honesty of their invaders. In fact the 
whole of Pegu, as well as a considerable portion of Ava Proper, 
may be considered as having, at this time, been under the juris- 
diction of the British. We had certainly conquered the country 
so far; and, without attempting any material alteration of 
their ordinary modes of civil government, we found it neces- 
sary to supply the place of their magistrates and other crea- 
tures of the crown, who had for the most part absconded, by 
organising a system of official authority, to which we gave the 
sanction of our approval and assistance. Into the details of 
these arrangements it is unnecessary here to enter. It is suffi- 
cient to say that they were at once simple and effective; 
and reflect no small credit on our Commander-in-Chief and 
his advisers. 

The resources of the Court of Ava, great as their efforts had 
already been, were yet far from being exhausted. During the 
period in which there was a necessary cessation of hostilities. 



THE PEACE OP YANDABOO. 51 

a new army was organised^ amounting to seventy thousand 
men^ and all thougMs of peace appeared to be laid aside. It 
was the earnest desire^ however,, of our Commander-in-Chief 
to avoids if possible, the shedding of more blood ; and, in the 
beginning of October, he despatched a letter to the Burmese 
head- quarters, urging strongly upon the chiefs the propriety of 
advising their sovereign to listen to the lenient terms of peace 
he proposed. In consequence of this letter a meeting took 
place at Neoun-Ben-Zeik, between commissioners appointed on 
both sides ; but after much useless conversation, prolonged to 
a ridiculous length by the Burmese, it was found impossible 
to prevail upon them to agree to the proposals we made ; and 
soon after the Burmese commissioners had returned to head- 
quarters, the army advanced, in battle array, to the very gates 
of Prome, its general having previously honoured Sir Archibald 
Campbell with the following laconic epistle : — " If you wish for 
peace, you may go away ; but if you ask either money or territory, 
no friendship can exist between us. This is the Burman custom .^^ 
It was not long before '^Burman custom" underwent a 
change. To oppose the formidable force which now threatened 
to shut us in, and bury us among the ruins of Prome, we were 
able to muster an army of only five thousand men, of whom 
only three thousand were British. It seemed to be the wish 
of the Burmese leaders not to risk a general engagement, but 
to proceed by the slower, though perhaps more certain, method 
of blockade. As soon as these intentions were discovered, it 
was resolved to attack the enemy at once, without allowing 
him more time for strengthening his position. On the 1st 
December our marine and land forces advanced at the same 
moment; and, after a well-contested fight of some hours, the 
Burmese were driven back, with much slaughter, to a stockade 
they had erected some miles distant on the heights of Napa- 
dee. It was remarked, as a curious feature of this engage- 
ment, that three young and handsome women, evidently of 
high rank, fought with the most persevering obstinacy and 

4 * 



52 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

courage among the ranks of the Burmese^ recalling to the 
recollection of our officers all they had ever read of the 
Amazons of earlier ages. It was believed that at least two of 
these ladies perished in the field. The Burmese general^ Maha 
Nemiou_, and many of the Chobwas, or tributary princes, who 
had grown grey in the service of their sovereign, also lost 
their lives on this day. But, after all, our troops had only 
achieved half of what it was necessary for them to do. Until 
the enemy was driven from his formidable position at Napadee, 
we could not congratulate ourselves on having gained any de- 
cisive victory. On the 2nd of December, therefore, and the four 
following days, the army was employed in probably the most 
arduous duty it had yet undertaken — that of forcing the 
heights of Napadee. They were fortified with unexampled 
strength, although the natural obstacles they presented made 
artificial means of defence almost unnecessary. All things 
considered, we do not think we can be accused of giving way 
to national vanity when we assert that none but British soldiers, 
powerfully assisted by a fiotilla commanded by British sailors, 
could have succeeded in steadily advancing from one stockade 
to another, under the continued volleys of the Burmese, and 
in driving at the point of the bayonet, without returning a 
shot, their opponents from a position three miles in extent. 
On the 5th the victory was complete. Every division of the 
Burmese army, and these were several, had been beaten in 
succession; and, completely disheartened, the fugitives dis- 
persed themselves in all directions, wherever the woods or the 
jungles seemed to offer concealment. 

It was now determined to lose no time in advancing to Ava 
itself, which is about three hundred miles distant from Prome ; 
and on the 9th of December the march was commenced. On 
the 29th our army reached Melloon, about halfway between 
Ava and Prome, having seen nothing on the way but a de- 
serted country, covered with the wounded, the dead, and the 
dying. The Burmese monarch was at last awakened to some- 



THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 53 

thing like a becoming knowledge of the situation in which he 
stood; and at Melloon a flag of truce was sent to meet us, 
and to intimate the arrival of a commissioner from Ava, 
with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace. That this was 
really the case was attested by the amicable conduct of the 
enemy's troops who were assembled at Melloon. Our army, 
therefore, halted on the opposite side of the river, and a barge 
was moored in the middle, where the first meeting with the 
new delegate was to take place. 

On the 1st of January, the commissioners of both nations met. 
The demand made upon our part of a crore of rupees, as well 
as of the cession of Arakan and the restoration of Cassay, was 
what principally startled the Burmese commissioners; but at 
length, finding it impossible to make us alter our terms, the 
treaty was agreed to and signed, fifteen days being allowed for 
obtaining the ratification of the King. At the expiration of 
that period it was communicated to us from Melloon that no 
answer had yet been received from Ava, and a further delay of 
some six or eight days was requested. But as this must evidently 
have been a preconcerted scheme, suspicions were aroused of the 
sincerity of that designing Court, and Sir Archibald Campbell 
gave the Burmese the choice of only two alternatives — either 
to evacuate Melloon, and allow him to take possession of it, 
in which case he would remain quiet for a short time longer ; 
or to prepare for an assault, which he would make upon it that 
very night. The Burmese, with much courage, instantly pre- 
pared for their defence. Though not inferior in bravery, how- 
ever, the military tactics of the Burmese will not for a 
moment bear any comparison vrith ours. Early on the 19th 
January 1826, the British standard was erected on the walls 
of Melloon, fifteen thousand men having been driven out of 
the town by comparatively a mere handful. In the house of 
Prince Memiaboo, a half-brother of the King, who had taken 
the command, was found money to the amount of from thirty 
thousand to forty thousand rupees ; and what was still more 



54 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

surprising, though perhaps not quite so agreeable, both the 
English and Burmese copies of the treaty lately made, signed and 
sealed as they had been at the meeting, and bearing, conse- 
quently, undeniable evidence of their never having been 
perused by the King. 

" It is no easy matter," says an officer from whose work we 
have already quoted, "to divine what object the Court of Ava 
could have had in view in opening negotiations they had no 
intention of abiding by, or what possible result they could have 
anticipated from a short and profitless delay, which to us was 
in every point of view desirable, as much to allow the men to 
recover from the debilitating efiects of their late fatigue, as to 
afford time for collecting cattle from the interior and sufficient 
supplies of every description for prosecuting our journey along 
a sacked and plundered line of country." " Memiaboo and his 
beaten army," adds Major Snodgrass, " retired from the scene 
of their disasters with all possible haste, and the British com- 
mander prepared to follow him up without delay. Before, 
however, commencing his march he despatched a messenger 
with the unratified treaty to the Kee Woongee, as well to show 
the Burmese chiefs that their perfidy was discovered, as to 
give them the means of still performing their engagements ; 
but merely telling the latter in his note that, in the hurry of 
departure from Melloon, he had forgotten a document which 
he might now find more useful and acceptable to his Govern- 
ment than they had a few days previously considered it. The 
Woongee and his colleague politely returned their best thanks 
for the paper, but observed that the same hurry that had caused 
the loss of the treaty had compelled them to leave behind a 
large sum of money, which they also much regretted, and 
which they were sure the British general only waited an oppor- 
tunity of returning." 

Our army now resumed its march upon Ava. On the 31st 
of January it was met by a Doctor Price, an American mis- 
sionary, and an Englishman of the name of Sandford, 



THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 55 

assistant-surgeon of the Royal Regiment (who had been taken 
prisoner some months before), and who were now sent on their 
parole of honour to communicate the sincere desire which his 
celestial Majesty at last entertained for peace, and to ascertain 
the lowest terms upon which it would be granted. The terms 
offered at Melloon were renewed, and, the British general 
having promised not to advance for twelve days nearer their 
capital than Pagahm-Mew, the two delegates returned to Ava. 

There can be little doubt that the Burmese monarch now saw 
the necessity for peace, and was therefore anxious to secure it ; 
but the terms proposed, lenient as they were, he found dread- 
fully galling to his pride. At all hazards, therefore, he resolved 
upon one effort more; and if that failed, peace was to be imme- 
diately concluded. On the fall of Melloon, he made an appeal 
to the patriotism and generosity of his subjects. He repre- 
sented himself as tottering on his throne, and the immortal 
dominion of Ava as about to pass away into the hands of 
strangers. To the troops which he now collected, to the amount 
of about forty thousand men, he gave the honourable appellation 
of " Retrievers of the King's Glory " ; and a warrior, bearing 
the formidable titles of " Prince of the Setting Sun," " Prince 
of Darkness," and " King of Hell,'' was entrusted with the 
command of this force. He took his position at Pegahm-Mew, 
where he was attacked by the British on the 9th of March. 
The result was the same as had attended all our engagements 
with the Burmese. We took possession of the place, and the 
" Retrievers of the King's Glory " fled in detached parties over 
the country. The unfortunate '^Prince of the Setting Sun'' 
ventured to return to Ava after his defeat, where he was imme- 
diately put to death by order of the King. 

Peace was now inevitable, unless it had been resolved to allow 
Ava itself to fall into our hands. The army, which continued 
to advance, was met only forty-five miles from that city by 
Dr. Price and Mr. Sandford, accompanied by two Ministers of 
State and all the British prisoners who had been taken, during 



56 OUE BUEMBSB WAES. 

the war, and bringing the first instalment of the money pay- 
ment (twenty-five lakhs of rupees), as well as an authority 
under the sign-manual, to accept of such terms of peace as we 
might propose. These were finally settled and signed on the 
24th of February 1826. This important Treaty of Peace between 
the Honourable East India Company on the one part, and His 
Majesty the King of Ava on the other, consisted of the follow- 
ing Articles, to which we have much pleasure in giving a place 
in this work : — 

'^'^Art. I, — There shall be perpetual peace and friendship 
between the Honourable Company on the one part, and the 
King of Ava on the other. 

'^'^Art. II, — His Majesty the King of Ava renounces all 
claims, and will abstain from all future interference with the 
principality of Assam and its dependencies, and also with the 
contiguous petty states of Cachar and Jynteea. With regard 
to Munnipore, it is stipulated, that, should Ghumbeer Singh 
desire to return to that country, he shall be recognised by 
the King of Ava as Rajah thereof. 

"Art. III. — To prevent all future disputes respecting the 
boundary between the two great nations, the British Govern- 
ment will retain the conquered provinces of Arracan, including 
the four divisions of Arracan, Ramree, Cheduba, and Sandoway, 
and His Majesty the King of Ava cedes all right thereto The 
Unnoupectowmien, or Arracan mountains (known in Arracan 
by the name of Yeomatoung, or Pokhingloung range), will 
henceforth form the boundary between the two great nations on 
that side. Any doubts regarding the said line of demarcation 
will be settled by the commissioners appointed by the respective 
Governments for that purpose, such commissioners from both 
Powers to be suitable and corresponding in rank. 

"Art. IV. — His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the 
British Government the conquered provinces of Yeh, Tavoy, 
and Mergui and Tenasserim, with the islands and dependencies 
thereunto appertaining, taking the Sal ween river as the line of 



THE PEACE OF TANDABOO. 57 

demarcation on that frontier. Any doubts regarding their 
boundaries will be settled as specified in the concluding part of 
Art. III. 

" Art V. — In proof of the sincere disposition of the Burman 
Government to maintain the relations of peace and amity 
between the nations^ and as part indemnification to the British 
Government for the expenses of the war, His Majesty the King 
of Ava agrees to pay the sum of one crore of rupees. 

" Art. VI. — No person whatever, whether native or foreigner, 
is hereafter to be molested by either party, on account of the 
part which he may have taken, or have been compelled to take, 
in the present war. 

" Art. VII. — In order to cultivate and improve the rela- 
tions of amity and peace hereby established between the two 
Governments, it is agreed that accredited ministers, retaining 
an escort or safe-guard of fifty men from each, shall reside at 
the durbar of the other, who shall be permitted to purchase or 
to build a suitable place of residence, of permanent materials ; 
and a commercial treaty, upon principles of reciprocal advan- 
tage, will be entered into by the high contracting Powers. 

"Art. VIII. — All public and private debts contracted by 
either Government, or by the subjects of either Government, 
with the others previous to the war, to be recognised and liqui- 
dated, upon the same principles of honour and good faith as 
if hostilities had not taken place between the two nations ; and 
no advantage shall be taken by either party of the period that 
may have elapsed since the debts were incurred, or in conse- 
quence of the war; and according to the universal law of nations, 
it is farther stipulated that the property of all British subjects 
who may die in the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava 
shall, in the absence of legal heirs, be placed in the hands of 
the British Besident or Consul in the said dominions, who 
will dispose of the same according to the tenor of the British 
law. In like manner, the property of Burmese subjects dying 
under the same circumstances, in any part of the British domi- 



68 OUB BUEMBSE WARS. 

nions, shall be made over to the Minister or other authority 
delegated by his Burman Majesty to the Supreme Government 
of India. 

"Art. IX. — The King of Ava will abolish all exactions 
upon British ships or vessels in Burman ports that are not 
required for Burman ships or vessels in British ports; nor 
shall ships or vessels^ the property of British subjects, whether 
European or Indian, entering the Rangoon river, or other 
Burman ports, be required to land their guns, or unship their 
rudders, or to do any other act not required by Burmese ships 
or vessels in British ports. 

"Art. X. — The good and faithful ally of the British Grovern- 
ment, His Majesty the King of Siam, having taken a part in the 
present war, will, to the fullest extent, as far as regards His 
Majesty and his subjects, be included in the above treaty. 

"Art. XI. — This treaty to be ratified by the Burmese autho- 
rities competent in the like cases, and the ratification to be 
accompanied by all British, whether European or Native, 
American and other prisoners, who will be delivered over to 
the British commissioners; the British commissioners, on their 
part, engaging that the said treaty shall be ratified by the Right 
Honourable the Governor- General in Council, and the ratifica- 
tion shall be delivered to His Majesty the King of Ava, in four 
months, or sooner if possible; and all the Burmese prisoners 
shall, in like manner, be delivered over to their own Govern- 
ment, as soon as they arrive from Bengal. 

(Signed) (Signed) 

" Largeen Mionga, " A. Campbell, 

Woongee, L.S. Major-General and Senior 

Seal of the Lotoo. Commissioner. 

^Q- A\ (Signed) 

(Signed) "T.C.Robertson, 

" Shwaguin Woon, 



Atawoon, L.S. 



Civil Commissioner, L.S. 
(Signed) 
H. D. Chads, Captain, R.N. 



THE PEACE OP YANDABOO. 69 

"Additional Article. — The Britisli Commissioners being 
most anxiously desirous to manifest the sincerity of their wish 
for peace^ and to make the immediate execution of the fifth 
article of this treaty as little irksome or inconvenient as possible. 
His Majesty the King of Ava consents to the following arrange- 
ments with respect to the division of the sum total, as specified 
in the article before referred to, into instalments, viz. : — Upon 
the payment of twenty-five lakhs of rupees, or one-fourth of the 
sum total (the other articles of the treaty being executed), the 
army will retire to Rangoon, Upon the further payment of a 
similar sum at that place, within one hundred days from this 
date, with the proviso as above, the army will evacuate the 
dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava with the least 
possible delay ; leaving the remaining moiety of the sum total to 
be paid by equal annual instalments in two years, from this 24th 
day of February 1826, a.d., through the Consul or Resident in Ava 
or Pegue, on the part of the Honourable East India Company. 

(Signed) (Signed) 

"Largeen Mionga, '^ a. Campbell, 

Woongee, L.S. Major- General and Senior 

Seal of the Lotoo. Commissioner. 

/Q- J^ (Signed) 

(Signed) ^^T. C.Robertson, 



Shwaguin Woon, 
Atawoon, L.S. 



Civil Commissioner, L.S. 
(Signed) 
H. D. Chads, Captain, R.N.^' 



Such, then, was the end of the First Burmese War, which 
altered the territories or relations of the British in India, and 
first made us acquainted with the Burmese in the eastern 
peninsula. However much the various writers on this interest- 
ing war may difier as to the conduct or justice of it on our part, 
they all agree as to the matchless coolness and arrogance of the 
Burmese history which records it. The victory cost us dear. 



60 OUE BUEMBSE WARS. 

The King of Ava had, been compelled to renounce all claims on 
Assam, Cassay, Arakan, Martaban, Tavoy, and Tenasserim, 
and to pay a crore of rupees — one million sterling — as an 
indemnity for the expenses of the war. The following is 
from the Eoyal Chronicle of the Burmese : — " In the years 
1186 and 1187 ^^ (of the Burmese era) "^ the Kula pyu, or white 
strangers of the west, fastened a quarrel upon the Lord of the 
Golden Palace. They landed at Rangoon, took that place and 
Prome ■" (properly Pyee Myo), " and were permitted to advance 
as far as Yandaboo; for the King, from motives of piety and 
regard to life, made no preparation whatever to oppose them. 
The strangers had spent vast sums of money in their enterprise, 
so that by the time they reached Yandaboo their resources were 
exhausted, and they were in great distress. They then peti- 
tioned the King, who, in his clemency and generosity, sent them 
large sums of money to pay their expenses back, and ordered, 
them out of the country.^^ 

Thus did the Burmese, ignoring the fact of their being the 
aggressors, cleverly and resignedly register their case in the 
national archives, according to Burman custom ! The boastful 
character of the Burmese, as with the Chinese, and in a lesser 
measure with the Siamese, fifty years ago, made it more difficult 
than at present for the Western nations to bring them to their 
complete senses, and cause them to acquire that degree of civi- 
lisation to which such ingenious people might otherwise have 
speedily aspired. Throughout this long war the British and 
native soldiers deserved and received the gratitude of their 
country. On the 8th of May 1827, Mr. C. W. Wynn moved 
in the House of Commons, and on the 14th Lord Goderich in 
the Lords, " That the thanks of each House be given to the 
officers and men engaged in the late glorious successes in 
India " (or rather in India beyond the Ganges, or, as Malte-Brun 
styles it, Chin-India) . The remark by the British Parliament, 
" glorious successes in India " — erring on the right side — is apt 
to raise a smile when compared with that of a popular historian 



THE PEACE OP TANDABOO. 61 

of British India^ who^ after asserting that the Burmese war was 
the principal event of Lord Amherst^s administration^ and that by 
the successful operations the Company gained a large extent of 
territory on the eastern coast o£ the Bay of Bengal, writes : — 
" As this conquest, however, was carried on entirely beyond the 
limits of India proper, it does not belong to the subject of the 
present work ! " This is a remarkable statement. The war was 
actually undertaken to protect Bengal, or give us a better 
'' scientific frontier " to the eastward (or south-east) than for- 
merly ; and yet even the principal operations of such an 
important war did not require to be handed down to posterity ! 
As well might we say that Canada or South Africa should be 
excluded from a History of the British Empire. Eegarding our 
Eastern Empire, we must ever consider each square mile or 
even acre of it an important part of " the stupendous whole ! " 

It is impossible to consider the effects of the first Burmese 
war without thinking of the foreign policy of the illustrious 
statesman and orator, Mr. Canning. Having gained a con- 
siderable knowledge of Indian affairs at the Board of Control, 
he had been selected to proceed to India as Governor-General. 
But he could ill be spared from Europe ; the people of England 
especially could not spare him ; so Lord Amherst went in his 
stead. It was during his mighty achievements as Foreign 
Secretary, therefore, that he could only hear at a distance of 
the war and our relations with Burma ; and it is curious to re- 
flect what policy he might have recommended to the Court, or 
himself adopted, had the Lord, of the White Elephant and the 
Golden Eoot come under his special control. The great poli- 
tical " adventurer " — as he was styled by his enemies — might in 
a burst of eloquent enthusiasm — as Viceroy he would have ex- 
hibited the ready writing genius, vigour, and foresight of Lord 
Dalhousie, combined with the statesman-like moderation of 
Lord Mayo — have informed the people of both Upper and 
Lower Burma, that he called the British or New power in 
portions of their golden land into existence " to redress the 



62 OUE BUEMESB WARS. 

balance of the Old/'* which robbed them of independence, and 
made them the slaves of tyranny and oppression. Mr. Canning's 
remarks on war as well as politics — say, the balance of power 
— appear to be equally just : they are especially so when we 
regard the progress of British power in the East. On the 
uncertainty of war he says : — " How seldom in the whole 
history of the wars of Europe has any war between two great 
Powers ended in obtaining the exact, the identical object for 
which the war was begun ! " May not the same be said with 
regard to our Indian wars against minor powers ? And again 
— particularly applicable at the present time (1879), when the 
encroachments of Russia in certain quarters have been arrested 
by that stern sentry, a " scientific frontier " — he exclaims :— 
" The balance of power ! . . . Is it not a standard per- 
petually varying as civilisation advances, and as new nations 
spring up and take their place among established political 
communities ? " 

During two centuries the balance of power has been adjusted 
over and over again. Upwards of half a century ago, as in 
later times, there were revolutions and counter-revolutions, 
Greek and other settlements in Europe, and a boundary dispute 
in Europe and America; and in Africa and Chin -India the 
Ashantee and Burmese wars. Time moves rapidly on; vast 
changes throughout the world are now on the eve of being 
accomplished, till, at no distant period, universal civilisation 
may be found emerging from chaos. 

The balance of power in the East will soon be a very difficult 
problem to solve, especially if Russia and Germanyf (which 



* The gi'eat statesman's celebrated sentence, with wliicli the above liberty 
is taken, the reader may recollect, was uttered in allusion to his being the 
first European minister to recognise South American independence : — " I called 
the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old." In 1827 
Mr. Canning became Premier, and died in August of that year. 

t In 1879 styled " the natural ally of China." 



THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 63 

seems probable) become mixed up with China; and Russia, 
with the usual steadiness of purpose, becomes too eager about 
establishing a profitable inland trade with the flowery land — 
the vast region whose people are still exclusive, but now more 
progressive and wonderful and pliable than at any former 
period ! With so many " coming events " casting their 
"shadows before," it becomes almost an imperative duty on 
Great Britain to keep a watchful eye on Upper Burma, as 
Chinese relations* with the Golden Foot may expand at any 
moment; and during some great crisis, or sudden convulsion, 
we might lose the chance of better securing our eastern and 
south-eastern frontier, and thus risk those vast commercial 
interests for which the way has been so admirably paved by the 
first and second Burmese wars. 



* Burma is a sort of vassal of Cliina. 



64 OUR HUEMESB WAES. 



CHAPTER lY. 



REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 



' How true it ia that in military operations time is everything ! " 

Wellington. 



In the event of a third Burmese war, or any future military 
operations in Chin-India, it may be well to gather a few lessons 
from the experiences of the old campaigns. The first grand 
failure of the Burmese in opposing or standing against us has 
been attributed to their ignorance of the art of war, or at 
least to their knowledge of the art being very limited. But 
even had they possessed a general-in-chief like Baron De 
Jomini among them, without the feeling that it is the disci- 
pline of an army that makes the multitude act as one man, 
the result would have been the same. Such a Burmese strate- 
gist must have worked after his own fashion^ the proper use of 
jungles^ fastnesses, trees, stockades, rivers, swamps, old guns, 
and jinjals,* being to him what field-works teeming with im- 
provements in engineering and artillery science are to us ; the 



* Wall pieces, carrying small balls, varying from half a pound to two or 
three pounds in weight. 



EEMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 65 

above forming a large portion of his idea of the art of war — 
as we found to our cost, no very bad one. 

The Burmese^ when the first war broke out, and fifteen years 
before^ had a very exalted idea of their knowledge of the art of 
war; so much so that in 1810 one of the ministers at Ava in- 
formed Captain Canning, the British envoy, that if application 
had been originally made in a proper manner. His Burman 
Majesty would have sent an army, and put the British nation 
in possession of the whole of France, thus ending the revolu- 
tionary war in Europe. Another absurdity of the same period 
is given in a draught of a letter to the Governor- General, com- 
posed by the Ava ministers, declaring the King of England to 
be a vassal of the Burman monarch ; but this, it is written, 
''was too much even for the despotic Minderajee Praw, who 
ordered it to be expunged.'' 

During the long series of operations in which we were en- 
gaged throughout the first war, exemplary patience under diffi- 
culties, and admirable conduct in retreat, among the Burmese, 
were especially observable. The retreat of Maha Bandoola 
from Rangoon was managed with considerable skill. When, 
with the remnant of his army, he retreated finally upon Dona- 
bew, he left posts on the Lain and Panlang rivers, to harass 
and detain the British force in moving forward. And even after 
their hero's death, in a desultory and disorderly flight, we are 
informed that the characteristic cunning and caution of the 
nation was conspicuous, as Major Snodgrass writes, '' effecting 
their retreat with such science and circumspection as would 
have been a lesson to the best disciplined army in Europe/'* 

Variety of resource to facilitate operations is also strikingly 
apparent in the Burmese tactics. For instance, what could be 
more ingenious than converting a huge tree into a battery? 



Major Snodgrass's " Narrative of the Burmese War," p. 175. 

5 



66 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

Bandoola's look-out tree at Donabew — mounting four guns — 
was certainly an extraordinary work^ on which even Vauban or 
Cormontaigne could never have calculated, and which would 
have raised a smile on the calm visage of Linnseus, the father 
of the peaceful science of botany. From an engraving, the 
tree appears to be cleft in twain, all the smaller branches 
being lopped off, and a series of props or arms left of consider- 
able dimensions. Across and resting on these are three tiers, 
the lowest mounting one gun in the centre ; on the second, a 
gun left and centre ; and on the top tier, a gun left ; the whole 
surmounted by a shed, with strong posts and a well-matted 
roof, in which warlike domicile are seated two warriors, armed 
with muskets, apparently engaged in feeling if their powder is 
dry. So much for Bandoola's look-out tree at Donabew. The 
Burmese operations during the war, as will have been seen, were 
offensive as well as defensive, of course chiefly the latter ; the 
stockade — in the construction of which they are perfectly 
wonderful, and in making which even women and children 
assisted — being given them, as it were, by Nature for their 
own fortification. In attack, the Burmese varied consider- 
ably ; at times being very feeble, but occasionally very despe- 
rate, as will be seen from the general's account of the attack 
on the British post at Kemmindine, where the First Madras 
Fusiliers^ aad the gallant 26th Madras Native Infantry so 
greatly distinguished themselves. The Burmese attack on 
Pegu — gallantly defended by Major (now General Sir William) 
Hill — in the second war was the only approach to the deter- 
mined assault on Kemmindine of the first. 

But the most desperate Burmese attacks during the first 



* Her Majesty's 102nd Royal — " The Royal Tigers " — s^ectamwr agendo — 
bearing on its colours glories commencing at Arcot and Plassey, down to 
" Ava," " Pegu,"and " Luckno-w." This was the famous Neill's regiment — 
General Weill, the " avenging angel of the Indian Mutiny." 



REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 67 

campaigns were those made at Watty-goon-" Cor Watty goung) 
before we forced tlie heights of Nepadee. The veteran chief, 
Maha Nemiow_, had at length arrived from the Court of Ava 
as if to supply the place of a Bandoola^ and direct the general 
operations of the army. Two brigades had been ordered to dis- 
lodge the enemy. They were to be assaulted in flank and rear^ 
while the main body attacked in front. The Burmese, obtain- 
ing information of this plan, did not wait '^ to be visited in 
their position/^ but met the British columns halfway, com- 
menced an animated and continual skirmish, and thus frus- 
trated the simultaneous attack of the three corps. When 
Watty-goon was reached it was found to be strongly stockaded. 
Colonel M^Dowall was killed while reconnoitring the place. 
So at length, finding the position far too strong for a divided 
force, '' a retreat was ordered, and conducted with steadiness 
and regularity " ; but we met with severe loss, '' the enemy 
closely following it up for several miles/^ The caution of Maha 
Nemiow was remarkable for a Burman. Advancing direct upon 
Prome, he moved slowly, stockading himself at every mile as 
he advanced. 

Regarding the British operations during this war, of course 
they were^ as usual, chiefly successful through bold and dashing 
attack ; and considering the length of the campaigns, and the 
local disadvantages (chiefly from the want of a good intelli- 
gence department) we laboured under, we managed admirably, 
and committed very few mistakes. Our attacks were generally, 
as they ever should be in such regions, sharp, short, and de- 
cisive. Taking into account the natural obstacles of the 
country, and the mode of warfare adopted by the Burmese, we 
could hardly have done more. As will have been seen, the 
enemy seemed to favour a position flanked on both sides by a 
jungle; but the British charge, even through this obstacle. 



* Sixteen miles from Prome, in a north-east direction. 

5 * 



68 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

was generally irresistible. And the Burmese fear of a terrible 
rush of cold steel reached its climax when^ twenty-eight years 
after,, we attacked E-angoon, or rather the great Shwe-dagon 
pagoda^ and achieved, as our readers will soon observe, "a, 
brilliant feat of arms."* 

The decisive action at Kokeen in the first war was highly 
creditable to the British arms, and shows what effects can be 
gained against a formidable stockade by a well-organised and 
well-managed plan of attack. It will have been observed that 
on this occasion a well-directed fire of artillery speedily made a 
breach in the work, which was then so gallantly carried by the 
infantry ; but as a general rule we think that what the great 
Duke said with reference to attacks on Indian forts, notwith- 
standing the uncertainty in their issue, is applicable to warfare 
in Chin-India, — that it is more expedient and more creditable to 
our arms if we can attack without wasting time in making an actual 
breach. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to breach some 
stockades — the very nature of their construction affording such 
vast powers of resistance — so the artillery must just be content 
with throwing shells, fire-balls, rockets, or such-like projectiles, 
into the Burmese fort, while the infantry are looking out for 
some weak point in the flanks or rear to enter, and the irre- 
gular cavalry are all on the alert to cut off the enemy while 
attempting to escape from the stronghold. Of course, covering 
advance and assault by a heavy fire of musketry on the de- 
fences ; enfilading the part attacked, if possible ; and, if the 
ground were favourable, taking the place by escalade, would all 
be considered by a judicious commander. 

It is impossible to read De Jomini^s famous chapter on 
" Offensive and Defensive Operations " without giving pre- 
ference in the system to the former. Applied to a more 
transient operation, the offensive is considered always advan- 



* " The Times," 1852. 



REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 69 

tageoTis^ especially in strategy. '' In fact/' writes the Baron, 
"if the art of war consist in directing one's forces upon the 
decisive point, it is comprehended that the first means of 
applying this principle will be to take the initiative of move- 
ments /■' Again ; " The offensive, considered morally and 
politically, is almost always advantageous, because it carries 
the war upon foreign soil, spares your own country, diminishes 
the resources of the enemy, and augments yours/'' In tactics, 
the offensive has also its immense advantages ; but they are 
" less positive, because the operations not being upon so large 
a sphere, he who has the initiative cannot conceal them from 
the enemy, who, discovering this instantly, can, by the aid of 
good reserves, remedy it on the spot/'* Defensive war, never- 
theless, has its advantages when "the inert or passive" and 
the '' active defence with offensive returns " are wisely com- 
bined. It is a great talent to know how to retake the initiative 
in the midst even of a defensive struggle. To the non-military 
reader it may be well to say a word on strategy and tactics. 
The former includes " the ensemble of the theatre of war," 
including in such the different combinations which it might 
offer, and " the choice and the establishment of the fixed base 
and of the zone of operations." Tactics have merely to do with 
the manoeuvres of an army on the field of battle, and the 
different formations for leading the troops to attack. Perhaps 
our admirable young volunteers of the present day will keep 
these definitions strictly in mind. 

Of course, the most important point in a plan of operations 
is a good base; and if an army operating against Germany 
would be right in selecting for its base the Rhine, so would a 
British army operating against Upper Burma, and other parts 
of Chin- India, select for its base the Irawady, and other noble 
rivers. With reference to the Irawady it may be said, " A base 



* See " The Art of War," Art. xvi., " Stategical combinations," pp. 83, 84. 



70 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

supported upon a large and impetuous river, the banks of which 
should be held by good fortresses, situated in command of this 
river, would be, without contradiction, the most favourable that 
could be desired." Throughout Chin-India many rivers would 
be found for bases, on which we could fall back, or from which 
we could move forward at pleasure ; while British Burma surely 
has capacity sufficient for establishing thereon any amount of 
magazines or depots. Touching on Burmese rivers brings 
forth the difference between Burmese and British strategy, as 
has already been observed in the case of Bandoola, who is 
blamed for having given up the narrow Panlang and Lain 
rivers, where he could have presented a most effectual oppo- 
sition, to fight on the banks of the broad Irawady at Donabew. 
If, then, during the first Burmese war, the noble Irawady 
formed a splendid base of operations for the invader, what 
would it be now with the whole of Pegu at our command, 
and, what we must obtain at all hazards, entire control over 
the eastern and western Karennee country ! With such bases 
of operations, strategy with the British in Chin- India will be 
supreme, or, at least, better than any invading army in that 
quarter ever had before for conquest. Even with a second- 
rate general, provided the ordinary rules of the art of war 
were attended to— no over confidence, but even more caution 
than against an European foe — it would be simply a case of 
veni, vidi, vici ! With such bases of operations, we should be 
far more than a match for any power that could be arrayed 
against us. 

In the event of any extensive operations in and around 
Upper Burma, we would probably have, say, three sorts of 
allies — Karens, Shans, and some other powerful tribe which 
would be sure to arise if the Shans joined us. In Upper 
Burma, and to the north and east of the capital, should the King 
be so insane as to hold out against us, there would be no 
chance — as there might be in South Africa — of a predatory or 
guerilla warfare ; such is quite foreign to the country. The 



REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 71 

enemy would rely, as of yore^ chiefly on their stockades. But 
if, in imitation of other nations^ they thought that a predatory 
war — which would certainly have no foundation in strength — 
might be more successful in the end, — if the allies_, the first to 
be attacked;, only stood close by us, as the great Duke said 
when fighting the Mahrattas, there would be no chance of the 
enemy^s success, but they would meet with utter discomfiture. 

The "Diana." 

We must now make a few remarks on the important part the 
little steamer '^'^Diana " played during the operations. It will 
have been seen that on the same day as the brilliant action at 
Kokeen, the nav}^ was not behind the army in gaining dis- 
tinctioUj Captain Chads having made a successful attack on the 
enemy^s war-boats. In their capture the " Diana''' was chiefly 
instrumental. Her exploits were so numerous, and she proved 
so very serviceable, that while the campaigns lasted she never 
was allowed to leave the Irawady. She reconnoitred the stock- 
aded positions, chased and captured war-boats, greatly advanced 
the movements of the army to Prome, and carried Mr. John 
Crawfurd (the Envoy) as far as Amarapura, some five hundred 
miles up the stream from Hangoon. With the '^^ Diana''' steamer, 
as Lord Bacon has it, to " choose time " was to " save time." 
No waiting for wind or tide, the little vessel, like Havelock's 
saints at Rangoon, when called upon to attack, was always 
ready.* She seemed, as it were, determined to be successful, 
for she was in earnest everywhere. Could the immortal James 
Watt, and the ingenious Patrick Miller of Dalswinton (inventor 
of practical steam navigation) , only have looked on ^'^ Diana" 



* " Call out Havelock's saints," said Sir Arcliibald Campbell on one occa- 
sion, at Rangoon, -wlien Bandoola had taken him by surprise ; " they are never 
dmnk, but always ready ! " 



72 OUE BUEMP]SE WARS. 

during the first Burmese war, they would have been happy men 
ever after; and_, doubtless, while on the Irawady, she elicited 
admiration and drew forth many a witty remark from our most 
popular naval writer, who Served in the operations — Captain 
Marry at, the " Sea Fielding/^ The novelty of the structure 
produced a powerful efi^ect on the minds of the natives, who 
of course could not know the limits of its power ; and if, it is 
thought by some, we had been able to avail ourselves of a flotilla 
of such steamers the war would have proved much shorter and 
more decisive, as well as less expensive and bloody. History 
repeating itself is not uncommon now-a-days : it seems to have 
been repeated in a fashion at the end of this war ; for Alompra, 
the hunter, began the old Burmese Empire ; and " Diana,^^ the 
huntress, in the form of a little steamer, seventy-three years 
after, seemed busy in helping British power to the dawn of a 
new one ! 

With regard to the effect produced on the Burmese mind by 
a steamer — which will also be found touched on hereafter — it 
will be interesting to the reader, should he, like the present 
writer, recollect April 1852, to carry his memory back to the 
magnificent appearance in the Rangoon river of the Queen^s 
and Company's war-steamers, aided by other subtle political 
sailing persuasive instruments, such as the " Fox '^ frigate and 
the brig " Serpent,"" as they lay opposite Rangoon — all ready to 
bestow on Great Britain what is now the Liverpool or Glasgow 
of Chin-India ! 



It may here be well to remark that rockets were very efPective 
during the first Burmese war ; and the writer had more than 
one opportunity of observing their utility in the second. These 
"devil-sticks"" — as the Burmese style them — can be brought 
rapidly into action, when there may be a considerable delay in 
bringing on the guns ; the tubes are light, and all can be 
carried on elephants with great rapidity. In the event of 



EEMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 73 

further operations, a corps of Pegu mounted rifles would be 
very useful ; but in any case of war^ no operations should take 
place without a tight little force of irregular cavalry like the 
Nizam^s, or those which were employed in Central India. Such 
troops are always invaluable in jungle warfare^ as they can act 
under all circumstances. 

The novelty of introducing a few gatling guns into the 
equipment of any field force in esse, of course, would be highly 
desirable. We presume that ofl&cers who have seen them used 
at the Cape and elsewhere are well aware of their destructive 
as well as portable capabilities. The Americans, we understand, 
have just invented a new gun, with only two barrels, of a most 
destructive and portable nature, which would suit Chin- Indian 
warfare admirably. For, after all, to get man or gun quickly 
into position is a leading principle in the great art of war. 
Light mountain guns would be useful, especially if we were 
forced into operations in the Shan country, which is moun- 
tainous and woody. They would not be so much required in 
Upper Burma proper, now that we possess Pegu. When, 
through the possession of Arakan, we freed our territories on 
that side from Burmese interference, and our troublesome 
neighbours were confined within their ancient boundaries by 
the lofty Anoupectoumiew, it was then remarked : — " The King 
is not ignorant that, should he again offend, we can march a 
force across these mountains and appear on the Irawady, from 
our post at Aeng, in eight or ten days, and probably reach his 
capital within a month ,•'■' Now, we can appear at once on 
the Irawady, which we virtually command ; and with the 
railway to Prome, and the telegraph, we have everything ready 
— except, perhaps, a sufficient fleet of small steamers, none of 
them drawing more than three feet of water — for a grand 
advance, in the event of a third war ! 

The topography of the country over which, to the north of 
Prome, the operations were conducted in the first campaigns, 
and which might again become the theatre of conflict, is now 



74 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

pretty well known. Want of good roads'^ — frequently none at 
all — plenty of jungle, occasional tliick forests, and wooded 
Mils, towns filled with large and small temples, plenty of good 
(though sometimes hard) water, and occasionally beautiful 
scenery, enriched by the unrivalled flora of Burma, would 
chiefly attract the attention of the soldier or the traveller. 

Pegu, the capital of the ancient Taking kingdom, in lat. 18° N. 
and long. 96° 30' E., about ninety miles from Rangoon, would 
have to be strengthened in case of an advance. Tonghoo, or 
Toungoo, is in the same latitude as Prome, 18° 45' N., long. 
96° 45' E.,t and is a hundred miles to the eastward of that 
town, from which the advance upon Ava was made in the first 
war. It is separated from Prome by the Galadzet mountains. 
The next most important town to Prome was Meaday (now on our 
frontier), once of considerable magnitude. Then comes Melloon 
(or Melown), in lat. 19° 46' N., long. 94° 54' E. ; next Pagam, 
in lat. 21° N., long. 94° 40' E., a town famous for its numerous 
temples ; and then Yandaboo, forty-five miles from Ava. 

Umrapoora (or Amarapiira, " City of the Immortals ") is in 
lat. 21° 55' N., long. 96° 7' E., and Ava in lat. 21° 45' N., 
long. 96° E. Both of these cities had been the capital of the 
Burmese Empire at dififerent times, " according to the caprice 
of the King." The country from Pagam (or Pagahm-mew) to 
Ava is described as most beautiful : — '' Extensive plains of the 
finest land watered by the Irawady, interspersed with ever- 
green woods, only sufiiciently large to give beauty and variety 
to the scenery ; and the banks of the river so thickly studded 
with villages, temples, monasteries [Jcyoungs) , and other hand- 
some buildings, as to give under one coup-d'ml all the charms of 
a richly varied landscape, with the more sterling beauties of a 
populous and fertile country." This rapturous description is 



* Still, Major Snodgrass considered the roads and country upwards generally 
naore advantageous for military operations tlian those in the lower provinces. 
t Longitude of Prome, 95° 5' B. 



REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 75 

a little exaggerated; but every campaigner in esse may be 
prepared for an interesting and novel tract of country. 

The dispositions for the advance vrere ably conceived. The 
first division, with head-quarters and commissariat, was en- 
camped eight miles in front of Prome. The second division, 
under Brigadier- General Cotton, was on the left — ordered to 
move in communication with Sir James Brisbane, in command 
of the river flotilla ; the first division preceding the march of 
the second by three days. The route of the first was by 
Watty-goon and Seindoup. On the Pegu side. Colonel Pepper 
advanced upon Toungoo, and threatened the capital from that 
quarter. Mandalay could also be easily threatened from Assam. 
We learn from high authority : — It has been recently ascer- 
tained that the route by which the Burmese effected their last 
invasion of Assam^ crossed the Patkoi mountains by a depres- 
sion of the range, where its height is only about 2,500 feet 
above the sea. 



*JPt OUR BURMESE WARS. 



CHAPTER Y. 

THE FINANCES OF INDIA FIFTY TEARS AGO, OR, 
AFTER THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 

The following short statement, taken from the old East India 
Company^s accounts, as laid upon the table of the House of 
Commons in 1829, will show how pecuniary matters stood in 
India for 1827-8 ; and it is altogether exclusive of the debts 
and establishments at home. 

INDIAN ESTIMATES FOE 1827-28. 

Bengal. 

Charge. Revenue. 

Expenditure - £11,894,282 Revenue - £14,695,998 

Interest - - 1,667,034 Commerce - - 79,905 

Commerce - 179,591 



Total charge - 13,740,917 Total - 14,775,903 



Surplus revenue in Bengal - £1,034,986. 



INDIAN FINANCE. 11 

Madras. 

Charge. Revenue. 

Expenditure - £5,488,208 Revenue - £5,373,756 
Interest - 177,078 Commerce - - 28,459 

Commerce - 21,474 



Total charge - 5,686,760 Total - 5,402,215 



Deficiency at Madras - £284,545! 

Bombay. 

Charge. Revenue. 

Expenditure - £3,820,013 Revenue - - £2,635,023 
Interest - - 41,013 Commerce - - 39,375 

Commerce - 54,551 



Total charge - 3,915,577 Total - 2,674,398 



Deficiency at Bombay - £1,241,179. 



Out- PORTS. 

Revenue. 

Prince of Wales' Island £195,418 000 

St. Helena - - - 119,511 000 

Canton - - - 320,761 000 



Total charge - £635,690 



Deficiency at Out-ports - £635,690. 



78 OUR BURMESE WARS. 



Collecting these, we have — 




Revenue. 


Eaependiture. 


Bengal - £14,775,903 


£13,740,917 


Madras - 5,402,215 


5,686,760 


Bombay - 2,674,398 


3,915,577 


Out-ports nil 


635,690 


Total abroad 22,852,516 


23,978,944 


Deduct revenue 


- 22,852,516 


Net annual deficiency 


abroad 1,126,428 



This is the annual deficiency in the revenue of the company 
abroad, after three years of profound peace, the Burmese vrar 
having terminated on the 24th February 1826 ; and with a 
debt of very nearly thirty-five millions sterling, bearing an 
annual interest of more than five per cent, upon the average.* 

When Lord Hastings left India in January 1823, the 
Treasury was full, and the income exceeded the expenditure by 
nearly two crores of rupees a year (two millions sterling). It 
may here also be of interest to remark that, after 1818, 
ScindiaVs government was so well administered and his finances 
had so improved, that, in 1827 (a year after the Burmese war, 
and after the capture of Bhurtpore), he was able to lend half a 
million sterhng to the Company ! 

This was a noble and liberal action on the part of a native 
prince ; and we may question if any of our feudatories of the 
present day would do likewise, even if we were so impolitic as 
to ask their assistance in either money or men. 

Such an act of Scindiah becomes the more remarkable when 
it is considered that he and Holkar were once the most deadly 



* See Mudie's " Picture of India (1832)," vol. ii. p. 207. 



INDIAN FINANCE. 79 

foes to the British name ; and Sir John Malcolm said he would 
never forget the loss of empire sustained through Britain. 
Unlike the Eajah of Burdwan^ Scindiah knew we were good and 
sure paymasters — though^ perhaps, rather slow at getting out 
of debt ! — and, like many other native princes, he seemed to 
have studied Lord Bacon, who, writing on usury, declares 
that '' no man will lend his monies far off, nor put them into 
unknown hands. ^•' 

So long as there must be borrowing or lending among men, 
there must be, with a less severe form of usury, the same 
financial processes among states — the difference being, in the 
latter case, that the money is always supposed to be lent for 
some good or useful purpose. On this grand hypothesis neither 
England nor India will ever be out of debtJ^ In the foregoing 
statement we read of an Indian debt of nearly thirty -five millions 
sterling, which, if there had been no Burmese war, or other 
important military operations, we may suppose would not have 
exceeded twenty millions, or, deducting the Burmese war only 
(twelve), twenty-three millions. 

What wars did formerly in India, public works and their 
supervision have done in more recent times. In reading about 
the vast machinery of the latter, however, the mind of the 
state financier is solaced by coming on such a remark as " Pro- 
ductive Public Works." Why should we not likewise be satisfied 
with the fact that some wars are productive also ? Paley, one 
of the shrewdest writers that ever lived, declares the justifying 
causes of war to be " deliberate invasions of right, and the 
necessity of maintaining such a balance of power amongst 
neighbouring nations as that no single state, or confederacy of 
states, be strong enough to overwhelm the rest." In the case 
of the first Burmese war the just objects were precaution, 



* The amoirnt of debt of the Government of India, in India and in England, 
at the close of 1878, was nearly one hundred and thirty-fiye millions sterling. 



80 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

defence, and reparation. The twelve millions were spent in 
saving Bengal from invasion and constant annoyance, and in 
preventing the Governor- General from being taken in " golden 
fetters " to Ava. The seeds of future productiveness for our 
benefit were sown in Chin-India — which we trust hereafter to 
make apparent — and the way was paved for the second Burmese 
war, which, at a cost of less than a fourth of the first, has long 
been un grand fait accompli, and the cause and principal ope- 
rations of which we shall now — -when likely soon to be forced 
into a third — have the honour of presenting, for the second 
time, to our courteous and indulgent readers. 



In the following chapters it has been thought advisable to 
preserve many of the details recorded in the original narratives, 
as not a few ofl&cers and others who were engaged in the ope- 
rations are yet alive, and may feel pleased to look back upon 
them, even if not among the few " green spots in memory^s waste.^"* 
As acute British critics have long been well inclined to consider 
details the very life and soul of a social narrative — the lights 
and shades which give animation to the picture — so they may 
consider them of some importance in a military record, as 
furnishing materials, and, if not thus rendering a service to 
society, at least forming a ready accessory or guide for the 
future historian. 



81 



PAKT II. 



THE SECOND BURMESE WAE. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE BURMESE PEOVOKE A SECOND WAE. 

The treaty of Yandaboo guaranteed tlie security of our mer- 
chants and of our commerce. There was to be no oppression 
of Britisb subjects. The merchants trading at Uangoon were 
to be liable to no inordinate exactions. On the whole^ it seemed 
as if civilisation had taken a stride^ and from intercourse with 
our countrymen^ that the empire founded by Alompra was in 
a fair way to gain reason and wisdom. But a dark cloud soon 
gathered on the political horizon which^ twenty-six years after 
the treaty was signed, was to destroy every hope of friendship 
between us_, and force the Indian Government, after unexampled 
long-suffering and patience, to put down " barbarian insolence" 
by force of arms. At first, the King agreed to receive a repre- 
sentative at Ava; two of our Eesidents were, however, suc- 
cessively treated with every indignity, and the last was planted 

6 



82 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

on an island in the Irawady without provisionSj till the river 
rose and threatened to swamp him and his suite. We therefore 
withdrew the representative altogether, rather than irritate the 
barbarous court. 

Latterly, our merchants at Rangoon, contrary to the stipu- 
lations of the treaty, were subjected to a series of oppressions 
and exactions, which, if unredressed, must have obliged us to 
quit the port. The merchants now applied for the interposition 
of the Government of India, by whom the treaty was made. 

It is unnecessary to enter into a detail of all the insults 
heaped upon us by the Burmese. Sufl&ce it to mention one 
case of injustice and oppression, that of a British captain of a 
vessel, who, on the false representation of a Burmese pilot, 
was imprisoned, placed by the Governor of Rangoon |in the 
stocks, and fined nine hundred rupees. This outrage brought 
forth the sympathy of the good people at Maulmain, who 
raised a subscription equal to the fine to release the merchant 
from his unpleasant situation. 

To satisfy our oppressed merchants, the Most Noble the 
Governor- General, remote at the time from Calcutta, demanded 
the removal of the tyrannical Governor, and the payment of 
the sum of nine hundred pounds sterling, " the price," as was 
humorously remarked, " of four or five of the golden spittoons 
in the palace of Ava." The admission of a Resident or agent 
at Rangoon, or Ava, was also required. The small sum of 
money was considered necessary as compensation for losses 
sustained by Messrs. Lewis and Shepperd, the former of whom 
had also been imprisoned and fined, though not placed in the 
Burmese stocks. The pacific disposition manifested by the Court 
of Ava, on the receipt of the Govemor-GeneraFs despatch, 
induced Commodore Lambert, of the Royal Navy, with his 
squadron, who had been some time previously deputed to Ran- 
goon, to demand reparation for the extortions practised upon 
British subjects, contrary to the treaty of Yandaboo. On the 
1st of January 1852, the Bang's reply to the Governor-General 



THE BUEMESE PEOVOKE A SECOND WAE. 83 

was delivered; and, with consummate assurance, the Golden 
Foot professed an anxious desire " to comply with the demands 
which had been made, and to maintain the relations of peace/' 

On the morning of the 4th, the new Governor arrived at 
Rangoon from Ava, "empowered by the King to settle the 
claims of the Indian Government/' He came in regal pomp, 
attended by a large retinue, consisting of an armament of 
barges and war-boats. The latter, decorated with elaborate 
carving and gilding, are said to have contained about three 
thousand followers. Altogether, during his stately march, the 
Governor was accompanied by nearly four thousand men. He 
had levied the severest exactions on all the towns as he passed, 
and had in his train ten boats laden with powder. 

The ex-Governor of Rangoon, who had for some days been 
occupying a small dwelling near Government House, paid his 
respects to the Viceroy on his arrival, and was repeatedly 
closeted with him. It was at first supposed that he would be 
subjected to a trial — at least an investigation — in the presence 
of the Viceroy, and a great number of the foreigners had 
drawn up statements of their grievances. But on the 5th, it 
was ascertained that he was in high favour with his Excellency, 
and, on the 6th of January, he departed in triumph to Ava, 
with all his family and a large retinue, and all the plunder he 
had accumulated, in fifty boats. A clever trick, truly, in a 
Governor, whose wiU for so long a time had been law five 
hundred miles from the capital ! 

The day after arrival, the Governor sent an order to 
Mr. BirreU, a merchant, to take down a flag-staflF he had 
erected, and to remove a gun he had placed in position on his 
landing-place. Mr. BirreU very properly replied, that the 
flag-stafi" having been placed there by the consent of the Com- 
modore, either to signal him in case of their being attacked, or 
to establish a communication between the Europeans on shore 
and the ships of war, he could not alter the arrangement 
without the Commodore's permission. The Governor became 

6 * 



84 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

enraged at this reply^ and immediately ordered all communi- 
cation with the shipping to be stopped. Commodore Lambert, 
unwilling to give the Burmese any cause of offence, directed 
the flag-staff to be removed. But the prohibition of all 
intercourse with our ships, had already caused the flight 
of unfortunate carpenters, coolies, and workmen of every 
description. 

Mr. Birrell, on the removal of the flag-staff and gun, 
had been directed to inform the Governor that the Com- 
modore had done so on the assurance that their property 
and persons were safe under his government. Trade was then 
resumed . 

On the evening of this day, Mr. Edwards, the interpreter, 
visited the Governor of Dalla — a picturesque town, situated op- 
posite Rangoon — and inquired if the promised Governor had 
really arrived. Doubt appears to have arisen on this point 
among our functionaries, from the fact of so many hours having 
elapsed without any Viceroy taking notice of the Commodore, 
either by letter of friendship or simply by the announcement 
of arrival. The old Governor answered in the affirmative, and 
wondered at the question '' when he must have seen, by the 
great state and display on the river, that the Governor had 
arrived.'^ 

On the morning of the 6th, Mr. Edwards was sent to inquire 
the cause of the Viceroy's silence, and also to ascertain if it 
would be convenient for the Governor to receive a deputation, 
or any public communication. At the door of the mansion, 
dignified with the appellation of a palace, Mr. Edwards was 
stopped by a Burmese menial, who, according to one statement, 
" drawing his sword, desired him to crouch to the ground, on 
nearing the presence of his Governor." Mr. Edwards sent 
word by another servant, that he was waiting with a message 
from the Commodore. He was then admitted. On the Inter- 
preter's complaining of the ill-treatment received at the door, 
the culprit was ordered into the presence : he was then, we were 



THE BUEMESE PEOVOKE A SECOND WAE. 85 

toldj " punislied, and dragged out of the room by the hair of 
his head/' 

Orders were also issued, that no one was to be stopped who 
had business with the Governor from the Commodore. 

The Viceroy's bearing was courteous. He informed Mr. 
Edwards that he would at all times be happy to hear from 
the Commodore, or to see him. In this there was good be- 
haviour on the part of the Viceroy ; but, according to another 
statement, the Governor " spoke in a tone of derision which 
created no small merriment among the officers around him." 
Not long after this curious interview, a depiitation started to 
wait on the Viceroy. 

It consisted of Captain Fishbourne, of H.M.S. " Hermes," 
Captain Latter, the chief Interpreter, and some other officers.* 
And now commenced Burmese incivility to the fullest extent, 
notwithstanding the fact that the Commodore had received 
every deputation from shore with the greatest courtesy. On 
their arrival at Government House, the members were not ad- 
mitted to the Viceroy's presence. Some of the Burmese 
officers had thought them mad in attempting what was con- 
sidered such audacity towards their new Governor. Our 
officers, therefore, had been obliged to force their way, through 
a crowd of insolent barbarians, to the neighbourhood of the 
haU of audience. They were prevented from going upstairs, 
till the Viceroy's permission had been obtained. After some 
minutes. Captain Latter was informed that his ExceEency was 
asleep, and could not be disturbed. At this very time of 
glorious repose, the wily Governor had telegraphed for Mr. 
Edwards to come into the presence, which the deputation, of 
course, would not allow him to do. Captain Latter urged the 
necessity of seeing the Viceroy, before their departure; but 



* The deputation likewise included Mr. Soutliey, the Commodore's secre- 
tary. 



86 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

" every remonstrance on Ms part, with the most distinguished of 
the officers present, proved unavailing/^ The members of the de- 
putation returned to the Commodore, reporting what had taken 
place and the great insult to which they had been subjected. 

According to the established law of nations, on a demand for 
justice being refused, reprisals follow of right. The property of 
any Burmese subjects " might have been lawfully seized, but it 
was deemed much better to take what was notoriously the 
King's than to distress individuals who might never have been 
compensated by their own Government, and who would pro- 
bably have been punished for complaining." Certainly, the 
whole affair was left to the Commodore's discretion, and it is 
difficult to see how any act of his could have been more natural 
or proper than that of seizing the King's ship, then lying in 
the harbour ; this was done. In the afternoon of the day on 
which the deputation was insulted, a message was sent from the 
flag-ship, requesting all British merchants and residents at 
Rangoon to repair on board the frigate. Those who claimed 
British protection, were but too glad to find it in this instance. 
The Commodore stated to them what he had done, how he had 
failed to maintain pacific relations, and how the British Go- 
vernment and Flag had been grossly insulted, " and that the 
insult was manifestly intentional, and not accidental." All 
were ordered to embark that evening, as the town was to be 
placed under blockade. The " Proserpine " steamer would be 
sent to cover their embarkation. The grand flight is thus 
graphically described, and is evidently from the pen of an eye- 
witness : — " The ' Proserpine ' steamer ran close into the main 
wharf, and eight or ten of the boats from the frigate and 
steamers came to the shore to protect and receive the fugitives. 
Meanwhile the streets were filled with armed Burmese, and 
Burmese officers were moving to and fro on horseback, 
threatening all who gave assistance to the foreigners ; in con- 
sequence of which, not a coolie could be procured. All classes 
of foreigners — Moguls, Mussulmans, Armenians, Portuguese, 



THE BUEMESE PEOVOKE A SECOND WAE. 87 

and English — were seen crowding down to the river with boxes 
and bundles, and whatever they could carry^ but they were 
obliged, generally, to abandon all the property they possessed. 
Mr. Kincaid, the American missionary, left his library, con- 
sisting of more than a thousand volumes, the collection of 
twenty years, behind him to be destroyed, too happy, however, 
to find his wife and children safe under the British flag/' 
" By eight o^clock,^-' says one authority, " all the British subjects 
had embarked, and by midnight the whole of the ships were 
removed by the steamers from off the town ; the men-of-war all 
moved, and the King of Burma^s ship taken with the fleet some 
five miles down the river/' On the 7th, all ships were ordered 
to prepare for their departure out of the Rangoon waters, to be 
conveyed by the men-of-war out of the river. 

On the 8th, the H. C.'s steamer " Proserpine " left for 
Maulmain with upwards of two hundred refugees — ^nearly four 
hundred, with their families — on board. During these im- 
portant transactions, we are informed that Burmese officers 
came repeatedly to the flag-ship " to offer excuses for the rude- 
ness of the Viceroy, but none of them were accredited. The 
Commodore insisted that the Viceroy should himself apologise 
for the insult offered to the British flag, and engaged in that case 
to return and forget the past.'' At length it seemed that there 
was one exception to the intolerable arrogance and insolence 
of the Burmese officials, in the person of the old Governor of 
Dalla, who came on board the ''Fox," and entreated the 
Commodore " to give him time to see the Viceroy, and per- 
suade him to apologise." Out of regard to the venerable age 
of the Governor, he was allowed till the evening to try his best 
at this work of peace. But his Highness of Rangoon had 
come from Ava and Prome with no such views. The Lord 
of the White Elephant would again try conclusions with us in 
the field. He had forgotten the campaigns of 1824-26, and 
did not deem favourably of our prowess from comparatively 
recent victories over the Chinese only — a nation over which 



88 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

the kingdom of Ava had been triumphant many centuries 
ago. 

While the old Governor of Dalla was supposed to be absent 
on his mission, a written document arrived from the Viceroy, 
stating that, ""if the Commodore attempted to pass the two 
stockades which had been erected down the river, he would be 
fired upon/^ The Commodore replied that if even a pistol were 
fired, he would level the stockades with the ground. And 
with this mutual determination may be said to have commenced 
the second Burmese war ! 

In the fulfilment of his plans, the Commodore now issued 
the following 

" Notification. 

" In virtue of authority from the Most Noble the Governor- 
General of British India, I do hereby declare the rivers of 
Rangoon, the Bassein and the Salween above Moulmein, to be 
in a state of blockade; and with the view to the strict enforce- 
ment thereof, a competent force will be stationed in or near 
the entrance of the said rivers immediately. 

" Neutral vessels lying in either of the blockaded rivers will 
be permitted to retire within twenty days from the commence- 
ment of the blockade. 

" Given under my hand, on board Her Britannic Majesty^s 
frigate ' Fox,' ofi" the town of Rangoon, the 6th of January 
1852. 

(Signed) " George Robert Lambert, 

" Commodore in Her Britannic 
" Majesty's Navy. 

" By Command of the Commodore. 

(Signed) " James Lbwther Southey, 
"Secretary.'' 



THE BURMESE PEOVOKE A SECOND WAfi. 89 

Before the departure of the ''¥ox/' large war-boats were 
observed proceeding from Rangoon to rendezvous at the stock- 
ades_, at which, it was said, five thousand men were congregated.* 

It was soon reported in Maulmain and Calcutta, that, even 
at this early period, twelve thousand men were ready at Ran- 
goon to do battle with us : in a few weeks there would be at 
least thirty thousand. 

On the 9th of January, the day after the " Proserpine " left, 
and the threatening letter had been written to the Commodore, 
the " Hermes ''■' steamer towed the '' Fox ''•' down to off the 
upper stockade. The '^ Hermes " then returned to bring on 
the King^s ship to keep the frigate company. The merchant- 
men, at the same time, prepared to pass down the river. It 
was early in the morning when these decisive movements com- 
menced. The sun seemed not to shine with its usual splendour. 
It was evident that some great change had taken place in our 
relations with Burma, and that the British lion had been 
roused from his forbearance. 

At length, the " Hermes " came in sight, rounding the point 
with the Burmese prize-vessel in tow. As she passed the 
stockade, guns in rapid succession were opened on the vessels 
of war ; at the same time, volleys of musketry were discharged 
upon them. The "Yox" immediately returned the enemy^s 
fire by a terrific broadside ; she likewise thundered forth 
against the war-boats which had ventured into the river. 

The " Hermes ^' then came up, and poured forth her shot 
and shell into the line of stockade. The ^^ Phlegethon '■' 
steamer, likewise, did vast destruction to the works. For 
nearly two hours were our vessels employed in spreading ruin 
and dismay around. During the conflict, a large gun-boat, 
having on board a gun of considerable calibre, and upwards of 



* The Burmese were jealous of these river defences ; for it was a popular 
belief among them, that if they were destroyed, the temple of Gautama, who 
was supposed to keep a watchful eye over them, woidd be lost. 



90 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

sixty armed men, was sunk by a broadside, wben nearly all on 
board perished. Altogether, about three hundred of the enemy 
were killed, and about the same number wounded, in this first 
encounter with the Burmese. As the vessels proceeded down 
to the next stockade, they were again fired on, but only by 
musketry. 

It was remarked, at the conclusion of these operations, that 
the enemy "probably had no intention of serious resistance, 
but felt themselves obliged to make some show of defence, 
when they saw the King^s property taken ofi', as the heads of 
the leading men were at stake.-'-' And, again, wrote a reliable 
authority : — 

" The Governor did not state that the Commodore would not 
be permitted to pass the stockades with the King's ship ; but 
that he would be fired on if he attempted to remove any 
British property. There is, therefore, every reason to believe, 
that if the royal vessel had not been touched, the stockades 
would equally have opened a fire on our vessels as they passed 
down the river.-" 

After the Commodore's engagement with the stockades, he 
departed for Calcutta in the " Hermes," to report progress, and 
receive additional instructions. The " Proserpine," from Maul- 
main, with despatches for Government, and intelligence of the 
insult to the deputation, the " flight," and the blockade, had 
previously reached Calcutta. 

Commodore Lambert did not, as was expected, find the 
Governor-General at Calcutta ; but, on the 18th of January, 
an Extraordinary Council was held, after which a despatch was 
sent off to Lord Dalhousie; and the 18th Royal Irish were 
ordered to hold themselves in readiness for embarkation. It 
was afterwards decided to send down at once to Maulmain a 
wing of the regiment, and a company of artillery, in all about 
five hundred men, for the protection of that important post in 
the Tenasserim Provinces. The Commodore, in the "Hermes," 
reached the Rangoon river about the 27th, vdthout, on account 



THE BUEMESB PEOVOKE A SECOND WAE. 91 

of the absence of the Governor - General^ any positive 
instructions. 

The Governor- General arrived at Calcutta on the night of 
the 29th of January ; and^ on the following day, as was to be 
expected, Burmese affairs formed the absorbing business of the 
Council. It was stated that his Lordship gave his entire ap- 
probation to the proceedings of Commodore Lambert. A report 
reached Calcutta, on the 30th ult., of the Burmese having 
threatened an attack on the province of Arakan. And now 
despatch really became the order of the day. The '^Precursor," 
a magnificent steam- vessel, belonging to the P. O. S. Navi- 
gation Company, with the 67th N. I., and half a company of 
Native Artillery on board, departed immediately from Calcutta 
for Arakan. The vessel was coaled, victualled, and made 
ready for sea, in eight-and-forty hours after obtaining the 
contract for transporting the troops ! "When the huge 
' Precursor ' made her appearance at Kyook Phyoo,'^ writes an 
officer, '^all the native boats fled, frightened at her size.''-' The 
80th — Queen^s regiment — reached Fort William from Dinapore 
on the 30th of January; and it was expected the remaining 
wing of the 18th Eoyal Irish would be immediately despatched 
to Maulmain or Arakan. This last movement, fortunately, 
never took place. The threatened province remained in a state 
of profound tranquillity. An officer had been deputed to the 
Aeng Pass, in the heart of the Zama mountains, which se- 
parate Arakan from the basin of the Irawady; and he saw 
trade going on as briskly as ever. Many Burmese and Shan* 
(Siamese) merchants were passing and re-passing with their 



* Shyan is a Burman name, and Low, or Lao, the Chinese, which is adopted 
by the Portuguese. They call themselves Tay (pronounced Tie). They seem 
to be the parent-stock of both Assamese and Siamese. — Assam, Siam, and 
Shyan or 8han are but different forms of the same word. The Southern 
Shyans, we read, bordering on Siam and Camboja, were conquered in 1829 by 
the Siamese, and their king carried in chains to Bankok. 



92 OUE BTJEMESE WAES. 

cattle, laden with mercliandise, as though nothing had happened, 
or was likely to happen. But, notwithstanding the undisturbed 
state of the upper part of the valley of the Irawady, the de- 
spatch of some troops to Arakan was " a wise measure at such 
a crisis/^ 

"We return to the gallant Commodore. A steamer was 
detained at Calcutta, immediately on his departure for Ran- 
goon, to bring an answer to the despatch sent off by express 
to the Governor-General. The '' Fire Queen " arrived off 
Rangoon river at the end of January. Soon after arrival, 
she anchored ahead of the " ¥ox," and " towed her up off the 
Hastings Sand, which is about four or five miles below Ran- 
goon.^^ On proceeding up the river, or passing the first stockade 
— some twelve or fifteen miles from the entrance — the steamer 
and frigate were both fired upon, by which the '' Fox '' lost a 
man. The frigate returned the fire with shot and shell. The 
" Tenasserim,^^ while passing up the river the following 
day, was also fired upon, and the ^^Fire Queen" in passing 
down.* The " Fire Queen " had brought a despatch to the 
Commodore, also a letter to " His High Mightiness " on shore, 
from the Governor- General. The " Fox," on arriving off 
Rangoon, sent a boat in charge of a lieutenant, accompanied 
by Captain Latter, with a flag of truce, to convey letters from 
the Governor- General and the Commodore to the Viceroy. 

A written apology, we believe, was required by Lord Dal- 
housie from the Rangoon governor to himself, for the insult 
offered to the deputation. And with this exception no fresh de- 
mands were made. The next day a reply was returned to the 
Commodore, and one forwarded for the Governor- General by 
the hands of a dirty non-official, who might have passed for a 
coolie or a cow-herd, in a canoe befitting his appearance. This 



* The " Fire Queen " took the intelKgence to Calcutta, arriving on the 9th 
of February. 



THE BUEMBSE PEOVOKB A SECOND WAR. 93 

was probably intended as a mark of disrespect by tbe authorities 
to the straightforward negotiator on board the "Fox/"' To 
avoid the Commodore as much as possible, letters were now 
sent from the Viceroy to the Grovernor- General via Martaban 
to Maulmain,, to be forwarded by the Commissioner of the 
Tenasserim Provinces. One of these despatches is said to 
have been forwarded with due civility, the messenger asking 
permission of the blockading vessel to pass over. 

Then came a letter, about the 7th of February, from the 
King of Ava, which arrived at Maulmain in due state. The 
Martaban officials wished the Commissioner, and not the Com- 
modore, to settle the whole affair.* Colonel Bogle and 
Commodore Lambert were, in their opinion, personages as 
different in relative importance and character as Gautama and 
Siva. One was all thunder and lightning, the other a beautiful 
example of calm and dignified repose. But this Burmese in- 
terpretation of the character of the gallant sailor, or that of his 
frigate, did not lessen the power of a saying, which every sharp 
school-boy can translate — Ingenium in numerato habe. 

H. M.-'s brig " Serpent,^^ some days before the arrival of the 
King of Ava^s letter at Maulmain, destroyed three small stock- 
ades at the entrance of Negrais river, off which she was 
stationed. The Burmese fired upon her, in fulfilment of re- 
peated threats. Captain Luard very humanely abstained from 
returning the fire, on account of the number of harmless 
villagers about; he simply landed his men, and burned the 



* Towards tlie middle of February, tlie H. C.'s steamer " PUegetlion " 
arrived in Calcutta. The news ran thus : — His Majesty was said to write 
peacefully. He professed to have been deceived by the authorities at Ean- 
goon ; of course, the usual plea — it was his servants, not himself, who were 
insolent; and desired, hereafter, to be communicated with through Major 
Bogle, the Commissioner, and not through the Commodore. The time for the 
intervention of the civil power was past. It was not said that his Majesty 
professed "any desire to come into the terms proposed as indispensable 
before amicable relations could be resumed." 



94 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

works of the enemy. The Burmese seemed determined to 
provoke a war. 

At length, on the 10th or 12th of February, it was decided 
by the Indian Grovernment to send an expedition to Burma. 
It was conjectured that, if actual hostilities should not ulti- 
mately become necessary, the appearance of an armament 
might probably excite the apprehensions of the Burmese, and 
induce them to yield to the just demands of the British.* 



* See "Rangoon," Appendix No. I. Minute by the Governor-G-eneral of 
India (Extract). 



95 



CHAPTER 11. 

FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 

Bt the middle of February 1852, orders were received at St. 
Thomas's Mount* for three European companies of Artillery 
to hold themselves in readiness for field-service in Burma. 
Instructions were also received by the Madras Government,, to 
hold in readiness " for immediate embarkation for Rangoon, if 
necessary," H. M/s 51st Regiment, K. O. L. I., two regiments 
of Native Infantry, and one Engineer ofl&cer. Bengal was to 
furnish a similar force, and an officer of rank was to command 
the whole. A company of ArtUlery from that Presidency, with 
Major Raid and Lieutenant Voyle, also a wing of H. M/s 18th 
Royal Irish, had left Eort William about a month before, in the 
Hon. Company's steamers " Tenasserim '' and " Proserpine,'' to 
reinforce Maulmain. In the papers it was stated that a spirit 
of life and activity reigned among the military establishments 
in Calcutta. Of course in Madras, too, it was to be aU double 
work — work for the prospect of '^glorious war" being a 



• Head-quarters of tlio Madras Artillery, about eight miles from Madras. 



96 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

capital sauce to exertion. About the 21st of February^ orders 
were received in Bombay, from the Governor-General, for all 
the war-steamers that could be spared to be sent to Rangoon 
without a moment's delay, ready for immediate action. The 
" Feroze " was to be at once converted into a frigate, and 
placed under the command of Captain Lynch, as Commodore 
of the Indian Navy Squadron. The " Moozuffer," '' Zenobia," 
" Sesostris," and " Medusa,-'^ were the other vessels appointed ; 
the " Berenice " to act as troop and store ship. A month hence 
there would, in all likelihood, be a fleet of at least eight large 
and five second-class war-steamers assembled in the Burmese 
waters ; one of the largest collections of this fearfully for- 
midable class of ships that had ever been brought together 
for purposes of actual hostility. The '^ Feroze '''' and " Moo- 
zuffer^' were each vessels of 500 horse-power and 1,600 tons, 
the " Sesostris " of 300 horse-power and 1,200 tons, all armed 
with guns of eight-inch calibre, throwing hollow shot and shells 
to the distance of a couple of miles. Expedition in marine 
matters was never practised with greater success than in the 
preparation of these Bombay war-steamers for service. In a 
few days everything was ready, reflecting the highest credit on 
Commodore Lushington, and the ofiicers of the Indian Navy. 
The squadron was ordered round to Madras for the conveyance 
of the troops to Rangoon. The steamers were expected to 
arrive early in March. 

The bustle at the Mount was exciting. " They won't go after 
all ! " said some. " There will be tough work ! '■' said others. 
But even those who had a fancy that the troops would " never 
cross the surf,-" were very busy withal. News at length ar- 
rived that the Burmese had one hundred guns at and about 
Bangoon. It was reported that the old town of Rangoon, 
founded by Alompra, had been burned by order of the Go- 
vernor, and that the new one was strongly fortified. The new 
town was founded by Tharawadi not many years before, and 
a fort built about one mile and a half inland from the old 



FEOM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 97 

site. From Calcutta information was received that all the 
houses in E-angoon were razed to the ground^ and the inha- 
bitants removed to the new town ; and that this position was 
being doubly stockaded with the wooden materials from the 
houses destroyed at the old. 

Early in March the Madras Artillery officers of the expe- 
dition to Rangoon dined with Colonel St. Maur^ and the 
officers of H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., meeting those of the 35th 
and 9th Madras Native Infantry. It was a grand and social 
entertainment. The Artillery returned the compliment paid us 
by H. M.'s 51st next evening. 

These social gatherings^ before proceeding on service^ are 
unquestionably conducive to the establishment of mutual good 
feeKng in the army. They tend to keep that friendship^ 
which should ever exist amongst soldiers, in good repair at a 
critical time. 

Regarding the curiosity excited among the Burmese by 
firing ofT a 68-pounder shot into one of their stockades, the 
following absurd but characteristic "story" was brought to 
Madras from Rangoon. The shot was taken before the Gro- 
vernor by an official. The latter functionary, who had weighed 
it, declared its weight to be equal to sixty-eight pounds. The 
Governor was sceptical j but at length, having fully satisfied 
himself as to the weight, and having commended rather than 
punished the official for his information, to crown his surprise, 
and probably show his master, from the demon just projected 
by a ship's gun, what a dreadful enemy he had to deal with 
in the British, he ordered the huge shot to be immediately 
forwarded to the King of Ava ! 

On the 7th of March the squadron of war-steamers of the 
Indian Navy^ with the exception of the '^ Zenobia" and 
" Medusa,^' arrived in the Madras roads. 

From Calcutta we learned that, in the Governor- General's 
reply to the King of Ava's letter, there was a demand for the 
expenses of the war to the extent of ten lakhs of rupees 

7 



98 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

(£100^000) "to be paid within a limited period^ and to be 
doubled if not immediately made good." Preparations for war 
were uninterrupted. 

The " Calcutta Gazette/' o£ the 25tli of February, bad the 
following notification regarding Burma, ''^ which showed that 
the Governor- General was determined to enforce his demand 
for satisfaction from the Golden Foot " : — 

" The following additional notification of blockade issued by 
Commodore G. R. Lambert, under authority from the Govern- 
ment of India, is published for general information. 

" The Barragu river, and other outlets of the Irawady, are 
included in the blockade declared by me on the 6th instant, 

" Given under my hand, on board her Britannic Majesty's 
steam-sloop " Hermes,'' in the Bassein river, on the 25th of 
January 1852. 

(Signed) " G. R. Lambert, 

" Commander in her Britannic 
" Majesty's Navy. 

"By order of the M. N. the Governor- 
" General of India in Council," 

" They insist on war ; war they shall have with a vengeance," 
The papers quoted this well-known remark, made by the Go- 
vernor-General, in his speech at Barrackpore, before the 
triumphs of the second Sikh or Punjab war, asserting that war 
with Burma, on the most extensive scale, had been resolved on. 
They were likewise informed, in the north-west, that a requi- 
sition for ten thousand men, including two Queen's regiments, 
had reached Madras. It is recorded in history that Madras 
sepoys were the first, if not the last, among our native troops, 
to cross bayonets with French infantry; they surely never 
could forget that. What would Bernadotte, the late King of 
Sweden, have thought had he read these words ? " Native 
troops cross bayonets with French infantry ? " he might have 
muttered, while one of the scenes of a long eventful life rushed 



FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 99 

to his memory. He was once a plain sergeant, serving in the 
Deccan^ and first distinguished himself at Cuddalore ! Had 
the Government of France possessed the sagacity of the English 
East India Company, Bernadotte might have shared in the 
foundation of an Eastern empire.* 

" Look therCj sir ! Do you know who that is at the end of 
the room ? " said a late Governor of Pondicherry to the writer 
of this Narrative. A marble bust of Dupleix adorned the 
audience- chamber at Government House. " There, sir, is the 
man who gave Clive the idea of conquering and keeping this 
country by its own inhabitants ! The East India Company 
assisted Clive, and cherished the idea. But Dupleix, for this, 
and many other of his mighty schemes, was thought a madman 
by the French ; and thus the empire we should have founded 
and preserved was lost ! " [And, strange revolution in history, 
nearly lost again (for a time, at least), by our placing too 
much reliance in the majority of those very ^^ inhabitants '^ in 
1857 !] 

Towards the end of March the news was various and inte- 
resting. Some Burmese had arrived in Calcutta, and reported 
that twenty thousand men were ready to stand against 
us. From Eangoon to Ava, the enemy were said to be deter- 
mined to dispute every inch of the way. April is the hottest 
month in the year in Burma, the thermometer ranging from 
90° to 95°; and in that month we were to be employed ! Bat 
that was better than delay until after the rains, in October. 
When war is to be, with such resources as ours, "'Twere well it 
were done quickly." 

Major Oakes, Director of the Madras Artillery Depot of 



* Little thought the writer, at the time of making the above remark, that, 
in 1861, he would be in the presence of King Charles XV. of Sweden, grand- 
son of Bernadotte, in the Palace of Stockholm, answering a question or two 
about Burma. 

7 * 



100 OUE BUEMESB WARS. 

Instruction, "and Major Montgomery, of the Mysore Com- 
mission, were to command two of the three artillery companies 
going on service. The former had long been desirous of dis- 
tinguishing himself in the field ; while report spoke highly of 
the intelligence and activity of the latter. Practical hints on 
the coming war were freely given to the men. 

At Dum Dum,* a small stockade had been erected, which 
was to be immediately blown up, for practice. The men of 
H. M/s 80th Eegiment, just arrived from Dinapore, had per- 
formed the mimic task of storming the Burmese stockades, 
which they practised in the cunette of Fort William, crossing 
the ditch, and placing their bamboo scaling-ladders against the 
angle of the bastion opposite Calcutta, 

The " Zenobia " and " Medusa " were at length added to the 
squadron in the Madras roads ; and we now expected to start 
in a few days for Rangoon. 

Orders were received for immediate embarkation. 

Colonel Elliott, K.H., of H. M.'s 51st Light Infantry, was to 
command the Madras Brigade, f 

At two o"" clock, on the morning of the 31st of March, the 
artillery set out from St. Thomases Mount for the beach. The 
band accompanied the force and played several appropriate airs. 
The march was distinguished by the usual shouting, cheering, 
and singing, in which European soldiers love to indulge on 
departure from an old station. The embarkation presented a 
grand and exciting scene—such as a man may only witness 
once in his life. It was a splendid morning, which, added to 
the refreshing appearance of the blue waters, and the nume- 
rous vessels afloat, was calculated to fill the adventurer with 
life, and hope, and joy. The Madras shore at any time is 
impressive and picturesque, from the roar of the wild and 



* Head-quarters of tlie Bengal Artillery, near Calcutta (now removed to 
Meerut). 

+ For Formation of, see " Eangoon," Appendix No. III. 



FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 101 

dashing surf, the clear blue sky, the long line of elegant 
buildings fringing the beach_, and then the incessant going 
to and fro of massulah boats and catamarans communi- 
cating with ships in the roads. But now the whole line of 
beach was covered with a vast multitude of living creatures, 
men, women, and children. Hundreds of boats were in readi- 
ness to be filled, and all the Madras troops were to embark 
as nearly as possible at the same time. Old bullock bandies 
came creaking along, very late, wending their way to the boats. 
Knapsacks, under the superintendence of Europeans and Jack 
Sepoy, were thrown into the uncouth machines, so admirably 
adapted for crossing the surf. In spite of the excellent ar- 
rangements made by the Quartermaster -General, and the 
presence of many distinguished officers, to maintain anything 
like order was absolutely impossible. The Madras surf alone is 
enough to put order out of countenance. There were parting- 
scenes with relatives, of the most tender nature. Among many 
pictures, it was painful to notice the anxious countenance of 
the Hindu-British wife, who, perhaps, was never to see her 
husband more : and then, in case of misfortune, who would 
father the children in their journey through life ? The grief of 
some relatives was excessive ; for, certainly, of those now de- 
parting to encounter " moving accident by flood and field,^' 
many would not be spared to return to the familiar shore on 
which they had just taken such an affectionate farewell ! 

A total of four thousand four hundred, officers, soldiers, and 
followers, embarked on board the several vessels of the fleet, 
which consisted of six steamers of the Indian Navy, and four 
transports. 

By the 7th of April we expected to reach the mouth of the 
Rangoon river, if we did not put in to Amherst for water. At 
break of day it was discovered that the " Feroze,''' leading 
the first division, was out of sight The Commodore had been 
too fast for us ; but after a short time, the squadron reunited. 
It was in two divisions : the " Feroze,'^ " Moozufifer,^^ '' Bere- 



102 OUR BUEMBSE WARS. 

nice/^ and " Medusa,"^ forming the first, the " Sesostris " and 
" Zenobia '' the second. 

We saw land at 1 p.m., and anchored at the mouth of the 
Rangoon river about half-past three. The coast is a pic- 
turesque line of territory, with palmyras, mangroves, and 
many large trees, nobly extending to the rear. Passing 
Elephant Point, so styled from two famous trees growing there 
in the form of an elephant, a conical red pagoda, falling to 
ruins, appeared rising from the jungle. Gautama certainly 
showed some wisdom in selecting such a position for a 
shrine, as if he had once showered down commercial pros- 
perity on the empire, and placed a sentinel over it at the 
mouth of one of his rivers, which prosperity, on account 
of the misconduct of his devotees, was, like the small temple, 
hastening to a fall. 

At the mouth of the river we discovered that the Admiral 
and General had proceeded with H. M.-'s war-steamers, 
" Hermes,^' '^ E-attler," '' Salamander," and the Hon. Company's 
steamer " Proserpine," to attack Martaban, and bring on troops 
to the chief scene of action. , 

On the 28th of March, Admiral Austen, commanding in the 
Eastern seas, had left Penang in the screw steamer '^ Eattler." 
He arrived off the mouth of the Rangoon river on the first of 
April. On the 2nd the Bengal division, in four steamers, the 
" Hermes," " Tenasserim," " Enterprise," '' Fire Queen," and 
four transports, arrived, under General Godwin, who, with his 
staff, had left Calcutta on the 25th of March. 

Martaban. 
On the 3rd of April, the General and Admiral left for Maul- 
main, nearly opposite which is Martaban, and reached the 



* This useful little iron steamer had been towed by the "Berenice" since 
the 2nd inst. Slow at sea j but, from her drawing not more than three or four 
feet of water, invaluable in Burma. 



FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 103 

capital of the Tenasserim Provinces* the next day at noon. 
Martaban is situated on tlie right or north bank of the Sal- 
ween river. The town to be attacked had been considered by 
the Burmese a position of high importance. And there could 
be no doubt that it was so. In a military point of view, it is 
capable of making a very formidable defence. On the river 
appears the usual array of houses ; then, as you recede, trees 
extending to a hill, at the top of which is a pagoda ; then other 
hills stretching further away, adding dignity and grandeur to 
the landscape. 

On the 5th of April the war-steamers appeared in front of 
the town, and immediately opened fire against the defences. 
A storming party was then formed, headed by Colonel Reig- 
nolds, H. M.-'s 18th Regiment. They attacked the chief posi- 
tion under a heavy fire of guns and musketry, and in a few 
seconds Martaban fell. A company of Bengal Artillery did 
not come into action, and thus, with few troops engaged,t and 
a loss of life on our side hardly worth mentioning, the occupa- 
tion of an important position formed a brilliant commencement 
to the campaign. Martaban is distant from Rangoon about 
seventy miles. On the afternoon of the 8th, the Admiral and 
General were again at the mouth of the Rangoon river. We 
were all on the tip-toe of expectation; at length the " Rattler '■' 
came steaming in gloriously, showing oif her screw power to 
great advantage. 

Then came the " Hermes." The right wings of H. M.'s 18th 
and 80th Regiments, also a company of Bengal Artillery, and 
two of Madras Sappers, f were the troops brought from Maul- 
main by the General. Loud cheering greeted the arrival of 
the two steamers. The distinguished 18th Royal Irish were 



* i.e. Matilmain. 

t Only a wing of the Royal Irish. 

X The Sappers under Lieutenant Ford, who commanded them at Martaban. 



]04 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

now '■''all present." While the right wing passed along in the 
steamer to take up position^ the band struck up the favourite 
air of " St. Patrick's Day " ; then came the " British Bayo- 
neteers " ; this music on the waters had a fine effect, producing 
that indescribable military enthusiasm which even the most 
peaceful Briton must feel at times ! 

Towards sunset the " Berenice/' preceded by the " Feroze/' 
started for about ten miles up the river to procure water. The 
luxuriant mangrove down to the water's edge was exceedingly 
striking. Occasionally you might see a picture of rare beauty : 
a small creek, like a sheet of glass, sleeping among the 
foliage. 

On arrival, we found H. M.'s brig " Serpent,"' and other 
ships, at anchor. A party of Europeans were at Bassein 
Creek for the protection of those who went to fetch water. 
All night we were watering, watering ; and very muddy and 
brackish stuff the water was, nearly as bad as what the tired 
British troops drank before fighting the battle of Mudki in the 
first Sikh war. 

On the 9th, the " Berenice " (with the Madras Artillery) 
towed the '' Juliana," containing the Bengal Commissariat es- 
tablishment, to Rangoon. She had a motley set on board. 
Some with handsome solemn faces; some with broad, grinning 
mouths, and every variety of pugaree * ; some very dirty, some 
very clean ; dirty and clean, busy and idle, all packed together 
in a little world. As the steamer approached to take her in 
tow, a difficult business commenced. The hawsers would go 
wrong; for a time it was '' confusion worse confounded''; but 
time, which sets nearly everything right, at last set the "^ Bere- 
nice" with the ^'"Juliana" on their way rejoicing. About 
three in the afternoon we were rapidly advancing to a new 
position, some three or four miles from Rangoon. Proceeding 



Turband. 



FEOM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 105 

up the riverj two stockades in ruins were visible. These had 
been destroyed by the men-of-war; the smoke, rising from 
some huge piles of wood^ told a very recent tale of demolition. 

The scenery on both banks of the river appeared of a novel 
character : numerous small picturesque villages, with scarcely 
a soul visible. At intervals, a few fishermen with their canoes 
were observable ; but these vanished on the appearance of the 
" Feroze ^ and " Berenice/' with their transports, as if they 
really believed his Satanic Majesty was after them. 

We had a splendid view of the Syriam pagoda in the dis- 
tance — a grand and imposing pile ; as far as some of us could 
observe, like an irregular cone, elaborately gilt. Its elevated 
position makes it appear of enormous height. The country 
about is very irregular j no hills of any size, but continual 
elevations of ground, thickly studded with trees, resembling 
portions of Southern India. 

About 5 P.M. we anchored a mile or two from the " Serpent,'^ 
which useful craft had preceded us, as a skilful pioneer. There 
the wily one now lay at her position, the name impressing you 
with the idea that she brooded over mischief to be accom- 
plished. The ^'Feroze ^^ lay a short way before us, majestic, 
and rejoicing in her strength. Here we had been ordered to 
rest until the arrival of the remainder of the fleet. From 
sunset till a late hour, many an eye was turned towards Ran- 
goon and the celebrated Shoe (Shwe) Dagon Pagoda. Snwife 
signifies golden ; and everything is either yellow or gilt in this 
part of the world. 

Mr. C. M. Crisp, merchant at Rangoon and Maulmain, less 
than a month before, had written to the Government of India 
regarding the strong position we were now about to attack. 
On the upper terrace of the great pagoda at Rangoon, he had 
formerly counted eight pieces of cannon at each of the three 
principal entrances to the same terrace, viz. at the south, west, 
and east ; at the north entrance only one cannon was placed, 
making in all about twenty-five pieces, three of which were 



106 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

eigtiteen-pounders ; the rest may have been from six to twelve 
pounders. He had heard that a number of swivel-guns were kept 
in readiness at the pagoda; but never saw any. Along the 
south front of the Temple^ at the lower part^ a wall had been 
built by order of the late king, with embrasures for cannon ; this 
being the principal entrance^ the Burmese authorities had taken 
great trouble to defend it. The north side he considered the 
weakest point. On the west side^ a range of go-downs for grain 
had been built. The bund (rude rampart) enclosing the new town, 
was very similar to the one round the cantonment at Maulmain, 
about fifteen feet high, and twelve feet broad at the top ; twenty 
feet from the bund a ditch ran all round, about twenty feet 
wide, and from six to twelve feet deep. Government House, 
in the new town, was in a state of defence. Mr. Crisp counted 
twelve pieces of cannon of moderate calibre in the compound,* 
also two twenty-four pounders. Some guns were also at the 
custom-house and wharf; altogether, he considered there might 
be forty pieces of ordnance at Rangoon. 

The forenoon of the 10th was one of great excitement among 
the majority on board. People doing things in place and out 
of place ; some looking at plans, and examining swords and 
pistols. The deck presented a scene of extraordinary anima- 
tion : many a feature seemed to be lighted up with the fire of 
hope ; and the sick and the dying victims of that dire pesti- 
lence, cholera, momentarily revived at the prospect of a con- 
test. Contrary to our expectations, the head-quarters, with 
the remainder of the fleet, did not arrive so early as we an- 
ticipated ; but all were present at dawn of the next day, which 
was Easter Sunday. 

* G-round suri-oimding or in front of the mansion. 



107 



OHAPTEE III. 

NAVAL OPERATIONS BEFORE RANGOON AND DALLA. THE 

LANDING AND ADVANCE. — THE WHITE-HOUSE STOCKADE. 

The noble and humane forbearance of tbe Indian Government 
towards the Burmese has been already mentioned. But more 
still may be advanced, before recording further operations. 
The Governor- General had written a final letter to the King of 
Ava, through the Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces, 
to be presented for despatch to the Governor of Martaban. 
Colonel Bogle, at the time of presenting the letter, informed 
the Burmese functionary, "that the English were sincerely 
desirous of peace, but that, if a reply were not received from 
Ava by the 1st of April, fully agreeing to the terms proposed 
by the Governor- General, our forces would inevitably invade 
the country; and that the guilt of having provoked the war 
would rest with them.^' The Burmese officers around were 
said to have replied, that, if we were prepared for war, so were 
they! 

General Godwin, on his arrival at the Rangoon river from 
Calcutta, immediately sent Captain Latter, the interpreter, in 
the " Proserpine,'^ to Rangoon, with a flag of truce, to inquire 



108 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

if any reply had been received from the Court of Ava to the 
Governor- Greneral's letter. On reaching the stockades^ which 
guarded both banks of the river^ the steamer was fired on. The 
cool courage of Commander Brooking was admirable on this 
trying occasion. He not only extricated the " Proserpine " 
from danger, but blew up a magazine on shore, which inflicted 
a severe loss on the enemy. The meaning of a flag of truce 
had been explained to them some weeks before by Commodore 
Lambert ; so that no pretext for not understanding it would 
hold for one instant. Their firing on the flag was a sure indi- 
cation that the Burmese authorities wished for war; that they 
would have it at any price : they were now about to have it 
" with a vengeance \" 

It had been understood among us that no operations would 
take place before Monday. The fulfilment of this resolution, 
however, depended upon circumstances. These fortunately 
tended to expedite matters, as there was no time to be lost. 

On the evening of the 10th, the " Phlegethou " had recon- 
noitred the enemy^s works on the river in a cool and intrepid 
manner. Next morning, about 9 o'clock, the "Berenice," 
with the several war-steamers and vessels, changed position. 
Our place was very near the '^ Serpent." The steam-frigates 
were to our right, and in front, the smaller steamers filling up 
the picture — which was one of imposing grandeur. Firing had 
already proceeded from the direction of Eangoon; it struck 
us that the Burmese were simply at morning practice, in ex- 
pectation of a coming struggle. The General and Admiral 
now steamed off to look at the defences, which had been repre- 
sented of so formidable a nature. We fully expected to see a 
shot fired at the splendid " Battler,'' and the other steamers, as 
they seemed to approach the works. The Burmese, however, 
reserved their ammunition. They either supposed that we 
should refrain from attacking them on the Sabbath, or deemed 
it superfluous to employ their artillery until our whole force 
should be arrayed in presence of their fortifications. We 



NAVAL OPERATIONS. 109 

watched for some time for the first symptom of resistance, 
and watched in vain. 

We beheld the " Feroze/^ under Commodore Lynch, moving 
on, evidently to take up position opposite the stockades. With 
the animated crowd of soldiers on her decks, she was a grand 
picture in motion — a " political persuader,^' with fearful instru- 
ments of speech, in an age of progress ! Next came the 
" Sesostris/^ At length, the Burmese, unable to stand this 
gradual augmentation of the steam-warriors in front of their 
position, fired at the frigates, and the operations began. The 
" Moozuffer,'' '' Feroze,'' and " Sesostris,''* also the " Medusa'' 
and " Phlegethon " — the two latter, from their drawing little 
water, approaching nearer and nearer the coast — came seve- 
rally into action. The fire from the vessels. Queen's and 
Company's, was kept up vsdth terrific effect against Dalla, on 
our left, and the Rangoon defences on our right. At first the 
enemy returned the fire vrith considerable dexterity and pre- 
cision; but, shortly after the '' Fox " had come up and poured 
in her broadside, and the '' Serpent " had moved on to destroy, 
by about 11 o'clock the firing on our right almost ceased. 
However, the war-steamers kept on, thundering forth against 
the works on both sides of the river ; utterly destroying the 
stockades on the shore, at Eangoon, and cannonading Dalla with 
decided effect. The large stockade, south-west o£ the Shwe- 
Dagon, was set on fire by a well-directed shell, which caused the 
explosion of a powder-magazine ; and then, all the work soon 
became filled with black smoke and vivid flame — up, up to the 
bright skies ascending, till the scene became one of extreme 
beauty and awful grandeur ! At this crisis, an occasional gun 
was heard from the shore. Two or three pieces were still 
observable in the burning stockade ; and, as no Burmese 



* The " Mooziiffer," under Captain Hewitt ; the " Sesostris," under Captain 
Campbell. 



110 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

were visible^ some conjectured it to be the flame firing tbem 
off without orders. 

While the ruined defences on the Eangoon side were burning, 
the town of Dalla^ or Dalla Creek, became the chief point of 
attack. A determined force had evidently taken up a position 
in this quarter. Several of our shot and shells struck the prin- 
cipal pagoda of the place ; but, beyond knocking a piece out 
here and there, with little efiect. The stockade at Dalla having 
been silenced, a party of seamen and marines, in four boats, 
effected a landing, and took the place by storm. But something 
must be said about this exciting scene. Every one on board 
the fleet had his telescope with him, ready to observe with 
interest the proceedings of the attacking party. When the 
boats emptied their loads on the bank, a loud cheer sprung 
from several vessels in the river. The party now rushed boldly 
forward to the stockade : some coolly inspected it all round ; 
some, we could behold, trying to scramble over it ; at length 
they entered it with little opposition, its chief defenders having 
fled in every direction to escape the terrible fire of our guns. 
One unfortunate Burmese soldier, on the approach of the naval 
party, jumped into the water, and swam bravely ; a few more 
followed his example, as if resolved on becoming targets for 
practice. The works were soon all fired by the destructive 
exertions of the soldiers and marines. About 3 p.m., the 
stockade and a portion of the town were wrapped in one mighty 
blaze. The quiet landscape on each side of the river became 
disturbed with the fierce and raging element. The enemy had 
played upon us with guns of considerable size — some of them 
twelve and eighteen pounders — and, occasionally, these were 
remarkably well laid. The shot flew over the decks of the 
war- steamers ; on board one, the " Sesostris,^' a young ofiicer of 
H. M.^s 51st,* was mortally wounded. Several shots struck 



* Ensign Armstrong. 



NAVAL OPERATIONS. Ill 

tlie vessels : the ^'^ Moozuffer ^^ was maimed a little^ and the 
"Feroze^^ had part of her rigging shot away. According to 
some^ " the fire of the enemy proved fatal to many on board the 
shipping " ; but our casualties were by no means numerous on 
this day. 

These highly successful operations by both the Q-ueen^s and the 
Honourable Company's navy — the chief work_, doubtless, of the 
11th having fallen to the latter — cleared the coast for nearly a mile, 
and made a splendid landing-place for the troops_, who were 
now eager to commence land operations on the following morn- 
ing. The Navy had acted as a pioneer of true civilisation. 

Just a quarter of a century had passed away since Lord 
Amherstj on the conclusion of the first Burmese war, proceeded 
to the western provinces of India, and visited Delhi. He there 
told the King that all vassalage for the British Indian posses- 
sions, which till then had been acknowledged, was at an end. 
Thus, about seventy years after the battle of Plassey, we fairly 
established ourselves — and the reward was not too great for so 
much labour and enterprise — sole possessors, in every respect, of 
what Macaulay styles, '' the magnificent inheritance of the 
house of Tamerlane."* For anything we knew now, the land- 
ing of the troops about to take place in Burma might be the 
foundation of a new empire, which one day may teem with 
Anglo-Saxon industry, and do honour to those who had secured 
the golden inheritance of the descendants of Alompra ! 

There was little sleep that night among many of us ; the ex- 
citement attendant on preparation for work had kept away 
its refreshing influence. About half -past 3 next morning, the 
decks of the several steamers and vessels were crowded with 
living creatures, aU eagerly sharing the bustle which invariably 
precedes the landing of troops in an enemy^s country. Some 
of the boats for conveyance on shore did not arrive until the 



* Essay on Lord Olive. 



112 OUR BUEMBSE WARS. 

morning had considerably advanced ; and then we beheld Surya 
ascending in full splendour, as if seeking a vantage point 
whence to view the coming fray. The river before Rangoon 
presented an animated scene, the like of which had not relieved 
its monotonous aspect for eight- alid-twenty years. Boats row- 
ing to and fro, steamers changing position ; the detachments 
already landed drawn out in martiail array ; here, the boats of 
the " Hermes,^^ with two 9-pounders, brought to join their 
companions two 24-pounder howitzers, from the " Lahore " ; 
there, the men shouting and working, assisted by the gallant 
tars, as they took each gun from the boat, and set it in readi- 
ness for the carriage mounted to receive it. The troops landed 
under a well- sustained fire from the steamers. The right 
column consisted o£ H. M.^s 51st, the 18th Royal Irish, the 
40th Bengal Native Infantry, and the Sappers and Miners. 
The 18th Royal Irish were on the right ; the 51st K. O. L. I. on 
the left ; and the 40th Bengal Native Infantry in the centre. 
The Sappers and Miners were drawn up with their ladders in 
rear of the left flauk. The troops were ordered to carry sixty 
rounds of ammunition in their pouches, and all to have one 
day^s full rations, ready cooked, with them. The Artillery 
formed in rear of the Brigade. Next landed, as soon as boats 
were available, the wing of H. M.^s 80th, and the 35th and 
9th Madras Native Infantry — the wing of H. M.'s 80th in the 
centre; the 9th Madras Native Infantry on the right; and the 35th 
Madras Native Infantry on the left. The 9th Regiment N.I. had 
served in the first Burmese war. The order for position appointed 
by the General was quarter- distance column, right in front. 
The ludicrous features of the landing scene may be described as 
follows : — Guns and carriages dismounted, wheels lying here 
and there, boxes of medicine, boxes of shot, rations of beef, 
powder, arrack, and ladders, all in one confused mass, while 
the troops moved in the midst of them to form into position. 

In contrast to these lively and exciting doings, the follow- 
ing melancholy accident may be related : — On one occasion, just 



THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 113 

as we were employed in mounting guns for the third detach- 
ment of Artillery, some European soldiers and a sepoy had 
recklessly approached the smoking ashes of a ruined stockade, 
where quantities o£ loose powder had been left about by the 
Burmese on the previous day; a portion of this exploded, 
burning the poor fellows in the most dreadful manner. Some 
now thought that the ground we stood on was well mined ; a few 
probably expected to be in the air shortly, especially the sepoys ; 
but all was soon lost in some new cause of excitement. At in- 
tervals the ships' guns roared forth destruction on the town. 

On, on to the Shwe Dagon! was soon the grand animating 
thought of every officer and soldier. The General had advanced 
with the first division that landed. His wise plan was to take the 
circuitous route and attack on the eastern side. The old road 
from the river led upi to the southern gate of the pagoda, 
through the new town, by which route it was generally believed 
the enemy expected us. But events of considerable importance 
were to take place before we got near any gate of Gautama^s 
splendid Temple. Colonel Foord, Commandant of Artillery, 
with Major Turton and-Brigade-Major Scott, and four Bengal 
guns under Major Beid, were with the General in advance, the 
guns covered by four companies of the 51st Light Infantry. 
They had not proceeded far, however, when, " on opening some 
rising ground to the right,^'' they were fired on by the enemy^s 
guns, and immediately afterwards Burmese skirmishers appeared 
in the jungle. On this audacity. General Godwin, who served 
in the first Burmese campaign, afterwards remarked in his 
despatch, that it was a new mode of fighting with the Burmese, 
" no instance having occurred last war of their attacking our 
flanks, or leaving their stockades, that I remember to have 
taken place.^^ They had profited by time, and, perhaps, by 
European instruction. 

The enemy's artillery fire proceeded from a position which 
was styled the White House Stockade. It was a very 
strong defence, as will be seen hereafter, and well situated to 



114 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

annoy our advance. Lieutenant Ford, of the Madras Sappers 
and Miners, had constructed three temporary bridges in a very 
short space of time, which would greatly facilitate the progress 
of more guns required to assist Major Reid's battery, which 
was now in full play against the stockade, at a range of about 
eight hundred yards. " I am sorry to say, sir," remarked an 
officer to the General, " that unless Major Oakes soon comes 
up, we shall not be able to go on. I have but two rounds a 
gun left.'' The accuracy of the enemy's range was shown by 
two of the Bengal gunners receiving mortal wounds at their 
guns, from two successive shots. At this critical time. Major 
Oakes fortunately came up with two 24-pounder howit- 
zers, leaving the remaining portion of his battery in the 
rear. Colonel Foord told him to open with spherical case 
at a range of eight hundred yards. The gallant Major, with 
his usual alacrity, drew up in line with the Bengal battery, 
and opened an effective fire on the outwork, which he continued 
until the whole of his ammunition was expended, The^Bengal 
guns had for some time withdrawn from the line of action, 
until more ammunition should arrive. The heat of the sun 
was now terrific ; it gave Major Oakes his death-blow just as 
he was about to fire the last gun. 

Shortly before the Artillery ceased firing, a storming party 
was formed from H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., and the Sappers 
and Miners. It consisted of four companies of Europeans, 
Major Fraser, the chief Engineer, with tlie Sappers under 
Captain E-undall. The third division of ladders was in the 
rear under Lieutenant Ford, who had been constructing and 
repairing wooden bridges for the passage of the Artillery. 
After the work was finished, he had orders to rejoin the leading 
division. While passing on for that purpose, a heavy flanking 
fire from the left was opened on his detachment. This not 
being returned, the enemy became bolder and the fire hotter, 
so much so, that the men were obliged to ground their ladders, 
unsling their carbines, and open a fire on the Burmese skir- 



TKB WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 115 

misliers. This silenced them for a while ; and resuming their 
ladders^ the men marched on with all speed. From the con- 
tinual firing in front, it was evident that severe work was going 
on at the stockade. The party moved on with their heavy- 
ladders,, and, passing through a thick wood which screened the 
place, the officer beheld Lieutenant Donaldson, of the Bengal 
Engineers, passing by mortally wounded, his pale face lighted 
up with a smile of triumph, although suffering extreme agony. 
On reaching the White House Stockade,'^ there were to be seen 
the ladders reared against it, and troops crowding up them. 
Four ladderst went at the place in two divisions. 

Closely following the gallant Major Fraser in the assault, 
came Captain Rundall, who mounted the ladders about the 
same time as his superior. The storming party immediately 
carried the stockade ; but not without considerable loss on our 
side. The brave Captain Blundell, who commanded the leading 
company of the party, was shot down, and afterwards died of 
his wounds. In him the gallant 51st lost an excellent officer 
— one who had nobly done his duty. The companies of Sappers 
suffered severely, and their bravery was everywhere conspicuous. 
Three of them alone reared a ladder, four more having been shot 
down beside it. Lieutenant Trevor was here wounded, and Lieu- 
tenant Williams had a narrow escape of his life. The Burmese, 
on our carrying the stockade, fled precipitately ; but many of 
these resolved to give us further trouble in the jungles. They left 
many dead about the place ; amongst them was a warrior, clad 
in a red jacket with the buttons of the 50th Regiment. 

It was not yet near noon, and the sun had made severe 
havoc among several members of our small army. Major 
Griffiths, Brigade Major of the Madras Division, was fatally 



* For Supplementary Narrative of, See "Eangoon," Appendix No. VI. 
p. 249. 
t Or more, as four were reared, a fifth broke ; but four were enough. 

8 * 



116 OUE BUEMBSE WARS. 

struck on the field. Colonel Foord, Brigadier Warren, com- 
manding the Bengal Division, and Colonel St. Manr, H. M.^s 
51st K. O. L. I., were disabled by its overpowering effects. 
Many of the European soldiers suffered, and here and there 
were to be seen, on the ground for the advance, to the left 
of the White House Stockade, the medical ofl&cers and their 
subordinates administering relief by pouring cold water over 
the patients. The remaining portion of Major Oakes' battery 
— four 9-pounders — arrived from the shore shortly after that 
gallant officer was struck. Next came Major Montgomery's 
battery,* with the D Company 3rd Battalion of the Madras 
Artillery, which had done good service in China. Major Back, 
commanding, with Lieutenant and Adjutant Harrison, accom- 
panied this division of the corps. Captain Cooke, with the 
D Company 2nd Battalion, had already made some excellent 
practice with his rockets while and after the Artillery fired 
on the stockade, clearing the jungles on the left, and thereby 
saving us for some time considerable trouble and annoyance. 

Among the wounded in the early operations, may be men- 
tioned Captain Allan, Quartermaster- General to the Force, 
and Colonel Bogle, Commissioner of the Tenasserim Pro- 
vinces. The former was shot in the calf of the leg, and the 
latter in the knee. 

Reposing in a shady spot, a small number of officers caught 
the attention of the passer-by. Two of them, it seemed highly 
probably, would recover from their misfortunes. But on the 
face of Major Oakes death had set his seal. Several were 
around him rendering every possible assistance, while the tear 
of sorrow fell from even those who liked him not too well. 

The Artillery were now commanded not to advance till further 
orders; and after a good deal of sharp skirmishing, as the day 



* Two 24-poiinder howitzers, and two 9-pomiders. To this battery the 
writer was attached. 



THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 117 

drew to a close^ a general cessation o£ operations took place. 
All now began to prepare for a night^s bivouac on tbe field. 
In tbe evening it was whispered among us, that Major Oakes 
was dead ! that he who^ since being appointed to command a 
Service Company_, had shown no ordinary zeal for the high 
efficiency of that Company — who, a few hours before, had 
rejoiced in a triumphant might — was now ranked among the 
fallen. He had been taken into the general hospital on the 
beach, where he died. The gallant deceased was in the forty-fifth 
year of his age. In person Major Oakes rose above the or- 
dinary stature. Six feet one inch in height, with a chest of 
uncommon breadth, a striking military deportment, and a 
countenance betraying a restless ambition, wherever he went 
he could not escape observation. Aut Ccesar aut nullus, might 
be read in his pale, hard features. He had entered the Madras 
Artillery under the old regime, about the time when our first 
war with Burma formed a subject of general interest through- 
out the British dominions. Towards the end of the year 1827, 
Majors Oakes and Montgomery were riding-masters to the 
Horse Brigade. The Major was great in aU matters of driU, 
and was conspicuous as the man who gave the regiment an 
entire system of manoeuvres. His publications on that subject 
were acknowledged by the Honourable Court of Directors, who 
rewarded him for his services.* 

Major Oakes was not, in the ordinary sense, a man of 
genius ; the creative faculty was in him but slightly developed. 
But he was gifted with great energy, and was remarkable for 
his untiring industry. Well-directed labour, steadily continued, 
is a rare virtue in India, where climate and the absence of 
any powerful motive for exertion, induce languid habits. He, 
therefore, who shakes off the lethargy, and toils assiduously, 
may, without a glimmering of genius, acquire a pre-eminence 



* Order published at Port St. George, 18tli March 1851. 



118 OUE BUEMESB WARS. 

even over those of his fellow-men who may be more highly 
endowed by Nature. In this way may we account for the 
position Major Oakes wrought for himself. Through his 
efforts the Madras Artillery was presented with several very 
useful works, and he will long be remembered by officers of 
the old Corps as one of its most useful members. 

After the White House Stockade was taken, and picquets 
had been placed in front, a good opportunity was presented 
for examining the work. A vast quantity of ammunition was 
found in the place. The grape was of the usual barbarous 
description, common among some of the hill-tribes of India : 
badly shaped iron bullets or bits of iron, closely packed in a 
canvas bag, dipped in dammer. Into a well outside, all the am- 
munition that could be found was thrown. The work, like all 
Burmese defences, was very strong, and they had evidently taken 
much trouble in its construction. In the last war the " White 
House " was surrounded by a brick wall, which this time they 
again surrounded with a stockade, at a distance of about ten 
feet, filling the interval with rammed earth. This formed a 
good parapet, to which they gave a reverse slope, so as to get 
up and mount their guns on it. Some excellent guns were 
found, of iron and brass ; two of the latter kind were deemed 
handsome enough afterwards to be sent to Calcutta. The work 
had on its front face an insignificant ditch. In the centre of 
the little fort was the " White House," from which the place 
took its name. It was approached at one end only by a steep 
flight of steps, and within, at the further end, was placed a 
colossal figure of Gautama. A great deal of ammunition was 
found scattered about this central building. After the place 
was burned by the Engineers and Sappers, the same night the 
entire roof of the house was destroyed, and the huge figure 
seen from a distance, overtopping the shell of the ruined man- 
sion, had an extraordinary effect. All the outside wood- work 
of the place was also destroyed by fire, so that the parapet 
became exposed; consequently, had the enemy attempted to 



THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 119 

retake the stockade, we could have swept them from the face 
of the earth, or say, the top of it, in various ways. A 
Burmese warrior, who had been severely wounded, must have 
acquired some idea of British kindness towards an enemy, 
when a high ofl&cer patted him on the back, to reassure him 
of our protection, while othe-i-s gave him water, and he was 
allowed with his wife and relations, who had sought him out, 
to leave the stockade and go peacefully away. 

The ''White House Picquet-'" — so called in the last war — 
was well situated for an out-post. The enemy knew every inch 
of the ground we should necessarily pass over to get at them ; 
and it is highly probable they had practised for some time with 
ranges to bear upon certain points, which may account for their 
accuracy of fire in the morning. The fort being situated on 
slightly rising ground, a picturesque view inland was afforded : 
at about a mile and a half distant, was a small village, some- 
what concealed by wooden ruins, to which considerable numbers 
of the enemy retreated. 

Allusion has already been made to the Burmese skirmishers. 
It was amusing enough to see them chevied through the 
bushes, across the plain, where the Artillery were drawn up, by 
the European soldiers. Crack ! crack ! crack ! — away they ran, 
as if a legion of evil spirits were after them ! But the retreat 
of many was only temporary. Towards dusk, they showed 
themselves in front of our camp ; but a few rounds of canister 
quickly drove them back into their jungles. There could be 
no doubt that Europeans were in the service of His Golden- 
footed Majesty. A European Portuguese was taken prisoner ; 
and a Conductor picked up, in one of the stockades, the first 
volume of a work on anatomy, and a treatise on steam navi- 
gation, both in English ; he also beheld plates, tumblers, and 
wine-glasses. 

A report was current, that an officer of the Madras Artillery 
recognised a renegade of that corps, named Govin, in the ranks 
of the enemy, clad in Burmese uniform. He was soon after 



120 OUE BUEMESB WAES, 

shot dead. This man was said to have been an able artillery- 
man^ and had got up light field-trains^ drawn by Pegu ponies. 
It was strange,, that the moment he was laid low the Burmese 
Artillery fell into confusion. A panic had ensued ; and every 
" volunteer " knows that, in the game of war, when confusion or 
a panic takes place, all is nearly over. Even among Europeans 
confusion or panic may destroy the bravest troops; and as it 
may come when least expected, a reserve should ever be at 
hand. 

No man seemed to bear the fatigues of the day better than 
the gallant General ; he was busy everywhere — the cocked hat 
he wore rendering his vicinity anything but safe — animating 
the troops by his presence. He came forward, and expressed 
his sorrow to Colonel Foord — who had slightly recovered — for 
the accident which had befallen him. About this time, he said, 
regarding the conduct of the Burmese that day, that they had 
acted boldly and well, beyond all expectation. At night the 
force bivouacked on the open plain, without tents or covering 
of any description for officers or men. During the night, the 
enemy fired on the camp with musketry, but did not otherwise 
molest us. There may be more disagreeable things in life than 
sleeping beside a howitzer, on some straw, to escape as much 
dew as possible, after a hard day's work under a burning sun ; 
getting up at intervals for duty -, and washing in the morning 
out of a gun-bucket. 

The alarm, when the camp had gone to rest, led some to 
suppose that the "White House Stockade was about being re- 
occupied ; but it turned out to be only the flickering blaze from 
some smouldering timbers, which looked as if people were moving 
about with lights. Their conjectures were groundless. The 
White House Picquet, or what remained of it, was speedily 
becoming a blackened ruin, which it would take the Burmese 
much trouble and time again to put in a proper state of 
defence. 

The night of the 12th of April will long be remembered by 



THE WHITE HOUSE STOOKADE. 121 

many of the force. Towards the new town, and the great 
Shwe Dagon_, fire continued to spread through the darkness — 
observing which formed amusement for the weary who could 
not sleep. It proceeded from the steamers and men-of-war 
pouring their destructive fire into the town. Huge hollow shot 
and carcasses were continually projected^ doing fearful execution. 
Sometimes the effect, from our camp, was terribly sublime. It 
seemed as if many a wrathful deity were, like Vishnu, hurling 
the fiery discus through the air ! 



122 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 



CHAPTER ly. 

THE GRAND ADVANCE ON THE SHW^ DAGON PAGODA. 

The IStli of April was a busy day in camp.* In addition to 
the Artillery already up, four 8-incli iron howitzers were 
required by the General for the grand advance on the great 
pagoda. This was fixed for the morrow, when, many believed, 
from what had already been experienced, the enemy would 
make a desperate resistance. The whole of this day was 
employed in disembarking and taking into camp these noble 
pieces of ordnance. The Naval Brigade rendered us the most 
hearty assistance in this arduous task. 

At one spot on the field might be seen a knot of artillery- 
men, under some zealous oflScer, cutting and fixing fuses ; at 
another, the infantry cleaning and examining their trusty per- 
cussion muskets and bayonets, the best Infantry weapons pro- 
curable ; at another, a cluster of talkers, very eloquent some of 
them, discussing the operations of the previous day; the sun, 



* Situated about one mile from the beach, and, by the route we took, two 
from the pagoda. 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWil DAGON PAGODA. 123 

apparently^ being quite disregarded in the zeal of a wordy 
contest. In the shade — and a good deal was afforded by the 
surrounding jungles — ^the thermometer stood considerably above 
one hundred degrees. 

The King of Ava, no doubt, all this time, believed that, 
through the re- agency of such troops as those composing 
" Shw^e-Pee Hman-Geen,'' or the Mirror of the Golden 
Country — a body of Eoyal Guards — and other bodies equally 
well gilt, the English would soon be driven into the river ; and 
that then the Tenasserim Provinces would be taken from us, 
and even Calcutta might become submissive to the Golden 
Feet ! " On the night of the 13th,^' wrote an intelligent 
Armenian, one of the oppressed, " orders came to send us up 
to the great pagoda. We were accordingly conveyed thither 
in files of ten men, three Armenians and seven Mussulmans. 
Rockets and shells ^ poured down on every side. Our escape 
must solely be ascribed to the mercy of Providence. To have 
escaped from the shells, some of which burst near us — from 
the Governor's hand, and the hands of the Burmese soldiery, 
who had already commenced pillaging the new town — must be 
set down as a miracle. However, two files of our comrades 
had scarcely gone, when the guard placed over us thought it 
prudent to save themselves from the impending danger by 
flight ; yet their chief stood with his drawn sword. We she- 
koed,t prayed, and conjured him to save his life and ours. 
In my long experience of the Burmese generally, I have never 
found them wantonly cruel in nature. It is the system of 
the insane Government of Ava that produces monsters. So 
the man released us, and, with good grace, after seeing us 
depart, departed himself also. We at first returned to our 
abodes, but found them uninhabitable. Many of the houses in 



* From the shipping. 

t Salaamed, or made salutation. 



124 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

the new town were in a blaze from tlie rockets. We then 
thought of our safety : some tried to escape to the river-side — 
they fell among the Burmese soldiery^ were maltreated, stripped 
even of their upper garments, and obliged to return, and hide 
themselves under a Kyoung*; others took shelter under the foot 
of the great pagoda, and a few disguised got safely out of the 
town through the kind assistance of their Burmese friends. 
This night was a night of flight/' 

We were informed that, shortly before the fleet arrived, the 
Governor called a sort of Cabinet Council together, to deliberate 
over the probability of beating back the English. An old and 
respected inhabitant of Rangoon, who remembered the last war, 
and many years before it, was called on to give his opinion. 
The old man was afraid to speak out what he thought would 
be the result ; but being pressed to do so, as there was no fear 
he would suffer for telling the truth, he declared that the British, 
on account of their superior skill and discipline, would cer- 
tainly be victorious. "With them,-"^ said he, "one mind 
guides all; with the Burmese, each guides himself in the fight; 
what if we have fifty to one, the Europeans will conquer ! •'•' 
The fine old fellow was immediately ordered to be branded, and 
otherwise tortured for his candour. 

An idea of the strength of new Rangoon may be gathered 
from the fact that the new town, already mentioned, up- 
wards of a mile from the river, was described as " nearly a 
square, with a bund, or mud wall, about sixteen feet high and 
eight broad; a ditch runs along each side of the square, and 
on the north side, where the pagoda stands, it has been cleverly 
worked into the defences, to which it forms a sort of citadel.'"' 

Wednesday morning, the 14th, beheld the force moving on. 
The troops were certainly in the finest temper for dealing with 
the enemy. The halt of yesterday had refreshed them con- 



* Poongi, or priest-house. 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWt DAGON PAGODA. 125 

siderably_, notwithstanding the intense heat ; and recollection of 
the 13th prompted them to double exertion^ if such were pos- 
sible^ to-day. 

H, M/s 80th Eegiment, with four guns of Major Mont- 
gomery's battery,* formed the advance, covered by skirmishers. 
About 7 o'clock, the sound of musketry fell upon the ear. It 
seemed to those composing the reserved force in rear to pro- 
ceed from the dark jungles, through which our march lay. The 
troops in our front had come into action ; and the enemy were 
being driven before the fire of the European and Native In- 
fantry. But this was not effected without some loss, as several 
doolies, ■[ with their wounded, which passed by us, clearly 
testified. 

The sound of artillery, from a Madras battery, likewise told 
that the guns were in position. 

Major Montgomery, having brought one 9-pounder and a 24- 
pounder howitzer into a favourable position, had opened fire at a 
distance of about seven hundred yards from the stockade. Passing 
on through the jungley way, we at length came within range of 
the enemy's jinjals^ which appeared to fire at us from beside a 
smaU pagoda. A succession of well-directed shots were now 
launched against the reserved force, in rear of which the heavy 
8-inch howitzers were being nobly brought along by the gallant 
Naval Brigade. Our guns inclined to the right, and halted to 
make way for the coming young giants of ordnance — all the 
while, the fire proceeding from the enemy near the small 
pagoda by no means abating. 



* The A Company, 4tli Battalion, so recently commanded by his friend 
Major Oakes. 

t Rudely constrncted palankeens, for carrying sick and wounded. [They 
are not " ferocious " ; neither are they a "tribe," as was once cleverly ima- 
gined in England ! This is almost as good as when a member of the British 
Senate asked, whether Surajah Dowlah (Sir Eoger Dowler anglicd) was a 
baronet !] 



126 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

Again we marclied on, and came upon a large body of our 
troops, the Europeans, witli fixed bayonets, as if ready for 
an attack as soon as a breach could be made. The 40th 
Bengal Native Infantry were likewise in this position, a petty 
midan^ sheltered by a small hill covered with jungle. Shot 
from the Burmese guns, as well as jinjals, fell fast and thick 
upon the plain. The troops wisely remained under cover of 
the hill, passing an occasional remark on the correct range the 
enemy had]attained, as shot after shot bounded along only a few 
yards before us ; and then would come a jinjal, with its strange 
whistling sound, over your head, making a man thankful he 
was not quite so tall as men are represented in ancient writ. 
In spite of all philosophy, such music must sound very strange 
to all ears, for the first time ! At length, the greater portion 
of the infantry moved on. 

The D Company's Battery,t under Captain Cooke, was 
ordered to remain in the old position till required. Cer- 
tainly, it is galling to be under fire, without any order to 
advance ; and such was our case for about four hours. It was 
amusing enough to observe the cattle attached to the guns, 
while the shot continued to fly about. Strange to say, not one 
bullock of the reserve battery was struck, nor did they seem to 
be at all affected by the firing of the determined enemy ! 

The Burmese soon got the range more exact than ever. 
Probably guessing that some of the troops were under cover of 
the small hill, they gave less elevation, when their shot fell very 
near us, and the jinjals continued to whistle with fearful rapi- 
dity. An intelligent Bengal ofl&cer, who had been engaged in 
several of the great Punjab battles, declared to us that he had 
not, on those occasions, '^ bobbed" his head so much as he had 



» Plain. 

t Madras Artillery. With this battery, which was in reserve, the writer 
and Lieutenant Bridge remained. Lieutenant Onslow was occupied at the 
beach iu landing stores and ammunition. 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWt DAGON PAGODA. 127 

done to-day. At lengthy the range of one of the enemy's guns 
entirely differed from the previous practice ; which led us to 
believe that the devoted warrior, who had shown so much skill, 
was no more. 

Major Montgomery's battery had, no doubt, done consider- 
able execution.^ It may have laid the aforesaid warrior low. 
The gallant Major himself came past us while the jinjals were 
flying, his Lascar orderly following him. A spent ball struck 
the unfortunate orderly in the forehead, when he immediately 
fell, but not dead, as at first supposed. 

About this time, our Assistant- Surgeon, Dr. Smith, was 
slightly wounded. A tar of the Naval Brigade was also struck 
while giving assistance in bringing along a heavy gun; and 
several others, European and native, were wounded near the 
spot we occupied. The 9th Madras Native Infantry had gal- 
lantly driven back a body of Burmese skirmishers in our rear. 

At about 10 A.M., the heavy howitzer battery, under Major 
Back, manned by the Bengal Artillery, was, after great labour, 
brought into position.f We were delighted to hear the how- 
itzers sounding forth in the advance, as they opened fire 
against the great stockade. This continued about one hour 
and a half, under a very galling and weU-directed fire from 



* After firing a few rounds, the commanding oflSlcer left those pieces 
— the 9 - pounder, and 24 - pounder howitzer — under the charge of 2nd 
Lieutenant Lloyd, who kept up a well-directed and spirited fire during the 
whole time the action lasted. The Major then placed the other three 
9-pounders of his battery in another position, about a quarter of a mile to 
the right of the first one. Lieutenant Tayler and 2nd Lieutenant Blair had 
each of them charge of a piece in this position, which they served with precision 
and effect. With reference to the Burmese gunners, we found, in some 
cases, that they had been chained to the guns. 

t But for the valuable assistance of Lieutenant Dorville, of Her Majesty's 
ship " Rattler," with a party of one hundred and twenty seamen, we could 
scarcely have got the heavy howitzers into position, and to them also we are 
chiefly indebted for disembarking these pieces on the previous day. — Major 
Back's Report. — The two howitzers on the right were under the charge of 
Captain Mallooh, of the Bengal Artillery. 



128 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

the enemy's guns and wall-pieces, from whicli our troops suf- 
fered considerably. The Artillery operations of the Wednesday 
were under the direction of Major Turton, of the Bengal 
Army, whose accustomed zeal was fully displayed throughout. 
Colonel Foord had not recovered from the coup de soleil in 
time to proceed with the force ; nothing could have disap- 
pointed him more. 

It may be mentioned that, just before the heavy guns were 
dragged into position, Major Turton told Lieutenant Ashe, of 
the Bengal Artillery, to take his gun, a 24-pounder howitzer, 
to the left of the heavy battery, to dislodge some Burmese 
skirmishers from the bushes in front. This was the only 
Bengal light field-gun engaged that day; and it was highly 
necessary, as those determined skirmishers were fast closing in 
on the crowded mass of our troops^ who with great difficulty 
kept down their fire. 

At about half-past 11, Captain Latter, the Interpreter, 
proposed to the General an attack on the eastern entrance of 
the great pagoda; it was his opinion that, for ten of our troops 
now being killed or disabled, we would lose but one with a 
storming-party ; which would naturally draw ofi" the enemy's 
attention, and excite their surprise. This sensible advice was 
by no means disregarded. 

Eventually, Captain Latter asked General Godwin's per- 
mission to lead the storming-party. The gallant General 
replied, " With the greatest pleasure, my dear friend ! " 
This reply was quite characteristic of our brave and courteous 
Commander. 

The storming-party was formed of the wing of H. M.'s 80th, 
under Major Lockhart, two companies of the 18th Royal 
Irish, under Lieutenant Hewitt, and two companies of the 
40th Bengal Native Infantry, under Lieutenant White; the 
whole commanded by Colonel Coote, of the 18th Royal Irish, 
Captain Latter leading. From the elevated position — on which 
were our heavy guns — to the pagoda is a sort of valley to be 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWil DAGON PAGODA. 129 

crossed before reaching tlie eastern entrance ; the distance 
might be about eight hundred yards. The hill on which the 
great temple stands is divided into three terraces, each de- 
fended by a brick and mad rampart."^ There are four flights 
of steps up the centre of each terrace, three of which are 
covered over; the east, south, and west. On went our gallant 
troops, crossing over to the pagoda in the most steady manner, 
under a heavy and galling fire from the enemy on the walls. 
At length they reached the desired gate, which was immediately 
pushed open. Captain Latter had beheld Lieutenant and 
Adjutant Doran, of H. M.-'s 18th Royal Irish, rather in advance 
of his proper position : on being spoken to, we believe he said 
that his regiment was in rear. Now, a grand rush was made 
up the long flight of steps they had discovered. The storming- 
party, however, suffered from the shower of balls and bullets 
which immediately came down upon them with dreadful effect ; 
but nothing could ever check the determined rush of British 
Infantry ! Near the foot of the steps fell Lieutenant Doran, 
mortally wounded; and by his side fell also two men of his 
regiment. The young hero lay pierced by four balls. Colonel 
Coote was also wounded. But our troops nobly gained the 
upper terrace. A deafening cheer rent the air ! The Burmese 
defenders fled in all directions before the British bayonet. 
The Shwe Dagon, or say, "Dagon the Great,^-* had fallen for 
the second time into our hands ! The blow had been struck ; 
the first grand act of the drama was over ! 

'^On the 14th,''' wrote the Armenian, ^' there were but a few 
thousand Shwaydown and Padoung men, say about five thou- 
sand in all, that kept to their post on the pagoda, under the 
immediate command of the Governor. They held out until 



* Their heavy guns were on the upper terrace ; their light ones on the 
second and third. The rampart of the upper terrace, being mostly of bricks 
and mortar, is of a superior description. 

9 



130 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

noonj wlien the G-overnor^ in despair^ gave orders to retreat, 
himself setting the example of flight. His men^ distinguished 
by their gilt hatSj remained to the last. They stood the first onset 
of the British^ and then fled to the west '" ; that is_, towards 
Kemmendine. "Had there been a brigade of cavalry^ or a 
division of troops^ at the north-west^ the Governor could not 
have escaped. He had a few days previously despatched his 
plunder to his country^ Shwaydown, in charge of one of his 
trusty relatives. Thus dispersed the grand army of Rangoon, 
computed at about twenty thousand strong at the beginning, 
some of whom did not even exchange a shot with the English, 
and many were driven away by the rockets and shells." 

The reserved force moved on. A loud cheer from the 
advance made us long to get near the heavy guns. There was 
enough in that hearty cheer to tell that Rangoon was entirely 
in the British possession. Having proceeded a short distance, 
the battery halted in rather dense jungle. There, among other 
sights, we beheld three of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry 
lying dead on a bank — all three, as well as a bullock, having 
been struck down with a shot from one of the enemy^s 18- 
pounders. Ascending a little, we found the four 8-inch guns 
in position"^ ; and a good view of the piece of country at the 
base of the Shwe Dagon was presented, to all appearance jungly 
and confined. We were now informed that the General and 
his Stafi" had entered the Pagoda. 

After our Europeans had refreshed themselves with a little 
tea — and nothing is more refreshing on the field — the Artillery f 



* Lieutenant and Adjutant Yoyle, of the Bengal Artillery, in addition to 
commanding a howitzer, had cut and set many of the fuzes for these guns, 
which had now done their duty. Brigade-Major Scott, Madras Artillery, was 
observed doing everything iu his power to encourage the gunners as they 
worked under a heavy fire. Lieutenant and Adjutant Harrison, Madras 
Artillery, is likewise reported by Major Back as most active in pointing and 
commanding one of the 8-inch howitzers. 

f Covered by the 40th Bengal Native Infantry. 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWi} DAGON PAGODA. 131 

were ordered to proceed in a southerly direction, and take up 
quarters where they best could till the morrow. These were 
on the cold ground, as on the two previous nights. To get 
thither, we had a short march through the jungle; and while 
passing along, we frequently came across a Burmese soldier who 
lay dead, with a look of determination, and a smile of apparent 
contempt on his countenance. Curious enough, many of them 
had adopted a sort of red jacket as a portion of their costume ; 
this had been frequently a source of confusion to our troops, 
who could with difficulty distinguish them from our own skir- 
mishers. The Burmese muskets were old flint ones from 
England, " condemned,^^ the excuse for their being sold to our 
enemies; and with the dha — a sharp, square-pointed sword 
with a long wooden handle — and with other weapons, such as 
a British bayonet stuck on the handle of a spear, the Burmese 
Infantry equipments were found to be tolerably complete. It 
may be mentioned that the enemy's musket-ball was found to 
be considerably smaller than ours, composed of iron as well as 
lead, not cast in a mould, but rough and varying in size. 

Towards the south side of the pagoda we passed a Poonghi 
house in ruins. Gautamas of huge size gazed upon the stranger 
with beneficent countenance, as if they were giving him a 
hearty welcome to the new land. A huge tree, lying across the 
road, was speedily cut asunder, to make way for the light field- 
guns ; after a short period a portion of the heavy battery 
arrived. When the guns were all in position, preparations were 
made for the night^s bivouac. Beside our halting-place we 
found a fine tank and well. Many had never before enjoyed a 
bathe or a wash so much as they did upon this occasion. 
After a comfortable night's rest in the open air, in the morning 
we moved into a Poongi house for breakfast. 

Some necessary stores for hot- weather campaigning had 
found their way to us through the faithful followers, who, 
since the capture of the Great Pagoda, had been streaming 
forth to the camp ; some of them, during the early part of the 

9 * 



132 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

day^ having nearly fainted from fear^ while performing their 
philanthropic duties^ as the enemy's bullets flew about rather 
too near to be agreeable. Where we now were stood various 
ruins of the new town. The remainder of the force passed the 
night in the covered entrances and immediate vicinity of the 
pagoda. By the route we had come, it was expected there 
would be no very great difficulty in placing our guns on the 
ramparts for the defence of Gautama's Temple. 

Notwithstanding what has been already said in the first part 
of this Abstract ; a few particulars by another valuable autho- 
rity — no less than Sir Henry Havelock, the future hero of 
Lucknow — regarding the occupation of Rangoon by the British 
in the first Burmese war^ may be interesting at this stage of 
our narrative. 

The Court of Ava had never dreamed of the sudden blow 
about to be aimed against the southern provinces, and maritime 
commercial capital of the Burmese Empire. At this time,* 
there was no actual Governor [Myo-woon) in Rangoon. A 
subordinate officer^ styled Rewoon, exercised the chief authority 
in the town. 

On receiving intelligence of the arrival of a large fleet of 
ships at the mouth of the Rangoon river — ships of unusual 
size and belonging to the British — " this unfortunate barbarian 
became almost beside himself with wonder, consternation, and 
rage." His first order ran thus — " English ships have brought 
foreign soldiers to the mouth of the river. They are my 
prisoners; cut me some thousands of spans of rope to bind 
them." 

He next ordered the seizure of all the English residents in Ran- 
goon. The order extending to all those " who wore the English 
hat," American missionaries, American merchants, and other 
foreign adventurers, were confined in the same building with 



* May, 1824. 



ADVANCE ON THE SHwii DAGON PAGODA. 133 

five British merchants, a ship -builder, and two pilots. They 
were immediately loaded with fetters, and otherwise cruelly 
treated. 

At length the fleet came in sight of a " considerable Asiatic 
town.^'' This seemed to be encircled by a rampart of solid 
timber from fifteen to twenty feet in height, pierced with em- 
brasures. Boats of various sizes and shapes lay moored along 
the banks of the river; on these were constructed wharfs, 
jetties, and landing-places. Clumps of light green forest oc- 
cupied the plains around. 

They were everywhere decorated with the gilded spires of 
pagodas. Above them all, on a height at some distance, was 
seen the grand monument, which had first attracted remaxk. 
But attention was now fixed by the defences of the town. A 
Burman stockade had been the theme of wonder and curiosity 
for weeks and months at either Presidency. It was to try its 
mettle against this redoubted species of work that the army 
had sailed. Hence, as each ship neared the town, the first 
glance towards the embrasures produced a murmur of deep in- 
terest amongst the troops. " There it is, at last ; the stockade, 
the stockade of Rangoon ! " * 

The enemy heard the roar of that cannonade which covered 
the landing of the troops. The streets were swept with cannon- 
shot from the fleet. The Rewoon abandoned himself to his 
fears. '^ He mounted a horse, and hurried through the south- 
eastern gate into the country, followed in confused flight by 
the armed rabble he had collected. ^^ Terror reigned in the 
town. " Burman, Peguer, Portuguese, Parsee, Moguls, and 
Chinese, male and female, young and old, followed by the 
rushing sound of eighteen and thirty-two pounder shot, fled 
like frightened deer to the neighbouring forests." f When the 



* Havelock's " Campaigns in Ava," p. 26. 
f Hid., page 33. 



134 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

troops were fairly landed, several of tlie unhappy prisoners 
were released. The reason of four of them had given way. 
Major Sale, afterwards the hero of Jellalabad, found Mrs. 
Judson, of missionary celebrity, tied to a tree, and immediately 
released her. 

The troops took possession of a town scarcely tenanted by 
a living being. With regard to the disposition of the troops 
in Eangoon during the first war, we read that the Brigade from 
Bengal had its right supported in the direction of the town, 
and its left on the great temple. The troops from Madras 
rested their right on " Shoe-da-gong-praw ^■' (Shwe Dagon), and 
their left on the town.* Their houses were wooden dwellings 
of the priests, convents or monasteries, the abodes of pilgrims, 
under the arched recesses of shrines, and in the square 
chambers of temples. All of these abounded in either road. 
The army in 1852 found little or no difference in this respect. 

And now let us return to our second visit to Rangoon and 
the Shwe Dagon Pagoda. With regard to the Burmese troops at 
first opposed to us, the '' Armenian^' of 1852 gave the following 
information: — These had commenced pouring down upon Ran- 
goon from different towns and villages since the seizure of the 
King of Ava^s ship, " Helen,-'^ the golden apple ; and a large 
army arrived from Amarapiira itself. They were all in high 
spirits, and were employed in erecting the stockade round the 
mud wall or fort, which they finished in the short space of 
two months. They even fortified the king^s old wharf, the roof 
of which was constructed like a vat about two feet deep, and 
filled with water to extinguish the shells and rockets that 
might fall on it. But their magazine, in large jars, ranged in 
rows on each side, having, as before stated, caught fire on the 
11th, blew this one of their seven wonders into the air, at the 



* Four miles were occupied by the force, -witli a continuous chain of sen- 
tries. 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWil DAGON PAGODA. 135 

same time killing many men on duty. Before the works had 
been completed^ a portion of the Burmese army became dispi- 
rited by over-fatigue and disease. " Many determined not to 
fight the English^ and they stuck to their determination. 
Shwe-Pee Hman-GeeUj or the Mirror of the Grolden Country, 
a body of Royal Guards stationed at the south and west, 
were the first to set the example on the first day of the 
fight.^' 

Some curious Burmese plans were discovered in a magazine 
by our excellent Commissary of Ordnance, Captain Robertson, 
of the Bengal Artillery. Some square feet of a compressed 
black substance, as usual in this country, took the place of 
cloth or drawing-paper, and the drawing was produced by 
means of a sort of hard chalk and a ruler. This we believe to 
be the common mode of planning in Burma. One of the plans 
in question minutely exhibited the stockade, also gave in Bur- 
mese the strength of each detachment, with its designation, told 
off for its defence. We saw a translation of the writing, from 
which it would appear the Burmese think there is much in a 
name. 

The following were among the detachments which composed 
the Burmese garrison of Rangoon* : — 

MEN. 

The Dennobhew (Donabew) City Contingent . 500 

The Golden Palm Royal Boat's crew . . 500 

The Kanaung City Contingent .... 600 

ThePadoung 300 

The Great HiU Royal Boat's Crew . 130 

The Water Fowl „ . . 119 

The Golden Parrot „ . . 65 

The Rethey Braminy Goose „ . . 7Q 



* For the complete list, see " Rangoon j a Narrative," p. 101. 



136 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

And so 011^ with the White House Picquet and village of 
Puzendoun (2^500), making a total of nearly 10_,000 men in 
33 detachments. 

Each man with two baskets of rice and a piece of silver. 

The names of the gates were also remarkable : — 

GATES. GATES. 

1. North Gate. 8. Banyan Tree Gate. 

2. Shwe Gyeen Gate. 9. Smith's Gate * 

3. Red Earth Gate. 10. Sacred Hair Gate. 

4. Sacred Tray Gate. 11. Little Lake Gate. 

5. Shwe Doung Gate. 12. Twisted Umbrella Gate. 

6. Tree Gate. 13. Stone Gate. 

7. Tree Gate. 



The enemy had^ in the opinion of the General, "settled^' 
that the British should attack the town by the old road from 
the river to the pagoda, leading to the south gate/ and running 
through the town, " where they had made every preparation to 
receive us, having armed the defences with nearly a hundred 
pieces of cannon and jinjals, and with a garrison of at least ten 
thousand men. The attempt to assault on this side would, I 
am convinced, from the steady way the Burmese defend their 
works, have cost us half our force.^^ 

Our casualties in the land force were at first reported to be 
nearly two hundred. They were afterwards set down at three 
officers killed in action, and two by coup de soleil. Out of 
fourteen officers wounded, one, Captain Blundell, died. The 
total number of killed was reckoned at seventeen, and wounded 
at one hundred and thirty-two. The casualties in the fleet were 
about seventeen, out of which one of the " Pox^s '' men was 



* South Gate. 



ADVANCE ON THE SKWE DAGON PAGODA. 137 

accidentally drowued^ and another of tlie " Tenasserim '^ was 
" blown away from an after pivot gun." 

An indefatigable chronicler of the 12th of April wrote : — 
" 14<th, Wednesday. — Our troops attacked the enemy at the 
Dagon pagoda ; the contest was severe and bloody ; several of 
our men were so badly wounded^, that it was found necessary to 
amputate their limbs on the field of battle. The enemy fell in 
heaps^ and we are in possession of Rangoon. . . . The Burmese 
fought like furies ; the poor fellows had no alternative : their 
wives and children being held in security by their king for the 
fulfilment of their duty as fighting men." 

It is impossible to give a correct estimate of the number of 
the enemy who fell at the capture of the pagoda_, or during 
the previous operations. Say, out of 18,000 who were at first 
prepared to meet us, and 20,000 is the number generally sup- 
posed, only two hundred bodies were discovered, it does not 
follow that only that number fell. 

It is the Burmese custom on the field to carry away, if pos- 
sible, the dead and wounded. This is considered a sacred duty, 
and it is performed with every alacrity. A bamboo is quickly 
passed through the cloth encircling the loins, and the dead man 
is carried ofi". Should he be only wounded, more care and 
ceremony are used to take the sufferer to some place of 
refuge. — Our force consisted of European troops, 2,727, and 
Native, 3,040 = 5,767. According to one authority, the entire 
force engaged in this expedition consisted of 8,037 men of all 
arms ; that is, reckoning, in addition to the foregoing, for five 
Queen^s ships,* 808; six steamers of the Indian Navy, 952; 
seven Bengal Government steamers, and one gun-boat, 510. 
Some of these vessels, and a portion of the land force, did 
not come into action. 



* Including three steamers. To tlie force were attached fourteen trans- 
ports. 



138 



OUE BURMESE WAES. 



Return of Killed, Wounded, and Missing, at the attack and storming of 
Rangoon on the 11th, 12th, and 14th April 1852. 



Corps or Department. 


EiUed. 


Wounded. 


Personal Staff . . . 
General Staff . . . 
Madras Engineers . . 

Madras Sappers . . 


Three rank and file . 


One officer. 
One officer. 
Three officers, one N. 0. 

officer. 
Two officers, one sergt., 

eight rank and file. 


Artilleet. 






Bengal Contingent 
Madras ditto. . . 


One N. C. officer . , 
ditto. 


Six N. C. officers. 

One N. C. officer, one 
Lascar, three Syce dri- 
vers. 


Infantry, 






1st or Bengal Brigade. 






H. M.'s 18th Royal 
Irish. 

H. M. 80th Foot (one 
wing). 

40th Regt. N. I. . . 


One officer, one sergt., 
and two rank and 
file. 

One N. C. officer . . 

One trumpeter, three 
rank and file. 


Three officers, one N. 0. 
officer, one trumpeter, 
thirty-seven rank and 
file. 

One officer, three N. 0. 
officers, one trumpeter, 
twenty- one rank and 
file. 

Eleven rank and file. 


2nd or Madras Brigade. 






H. M.'s 51st Regt.* of 
Foot. 

9th Regt. Mad. K I. . 
35th Regt. Mad. N. I. 


One officer, one rank 
and file. 

One rank and file . . 


One officer, three N. 0. 

officers, thirteen rank 

and file. 
' One officer. 
One officer, one N. C. 

officer, five rank and 

file. 



* We were pleased to observe, while in England in 1862, a handsome monu- 
ment erected in the noble old York Cathedral to the memory of the 51st 
officers and men who died or were killed during the Burmese war. In the 
middle of 1864 the news reached us in Burma that Capt. Glover, of the 51st L. I., 
had been killed in New Zealand, with his gallant Colonel (Booth) and other 
officers. Captain Glover (then Lieutenant) served at the capture of Rangoon* 



ADVANCE ON THE SHWB DAGON PAGODA. 



139 



Officers and Men. 


Killed. 


, "Wounded. 


Missing. 


European officers ...... 

Native officers ...... 

Warrant and Non-commissioned officers, 
rank and file, &c. ..... 

Lascars, Syce drivers. Syces, &c. 

Total 


2 


15 



14 


114 

4 









17 


132 





Grand total of killed, wounded, and missing — 149. 



(Signed) 



H. Godwin, Lieutenant -General, 
Comanding the Forces in Ava, 

Arakan, and Tenasserim. 
W. Mathew, Captain, 

Assistant Adjutant- General of 
the Forces. 
Officers Kilied and Wounded. 



M 


$ 


Corps or 
Department. 


KiUed. 


Wounded. 




o 








!zi 


|Zi 








1 





H. M. 18 R. I. 


Lt. R. Doran, 
14 April. 




1 





H. M. 51 Foot 


Ensign A. N. 
Armstrong, 
11 April. 









Personal Staff 




Lieutenant W. J. Chads (slightly). 







General Staff 




Captain G. Allan (severely). 







Eng. Depart. 




2nd Lieutenant B. C. S. Williams 

(slightly). 







ditto 




2nd Lieutenant L. Donaldson (mor- 
tally), 12 April. 







ditto- 




2nd Lieut. W. S. Trevor (severely). 







Madras Sapp. 
and Miners 




Captain J. W. Rundall (slightly). 







ditto 




Lieutenant B. Ford (slightly). 







H. M. 18 E. I. 





Lieut.-Col. 0. J. Coote (severely). 







ditto 




Captain W. T. Bruce (slightly). 







ditto 




Lieutenant G. H. ElUott (slightly). 







H. M. 80 Foot 




Lieutenant J. L. W. Nunn (slightly). 







H. M. 51 Foot 




Captain W. Blundell (dangerously). 







9th Mad. N. I. 




Ensign G. F. C. B. Hawkes (slightly). 







35th ditto 




Lieutenant W. C. P. Haines (dan- 
gerously). 





1 


Commissioner 
Tenasserim . 
Provinces 




Lieutenant-Col. A. Bogle (severely). 



140 



OTTR BURMESE WARS. 



List of Oebnance Captured at the White House Stockade, on tlie 12tli, 
and at Rangoon on tlie 14tli April 1852. 



Description of Ordnance. 


No. 


Remarks. 


Iron Guns 3-pdrs 


2 


r Captured at the " White 
\ House " Stockade, on 


Brass „ 3 „ .... 


2 


(. the 12th April 1852. 


Iron „ 18 „ .... 


9 1 1 


„ Carronades* 18 „ .... 


3 




„ „ 12 „ .... 


2 




„ Guns 9 „ .... 


6 




„ „ 6 „ .... 


3 




„ Carronades 6 „ .... 


1 




„ Guns 3 „ .... 


11 


The whole of these are 


,, „ 2i „ .... 


7 


> mounted on carriages. 


„ „ 2 „ .... 


2 




:: :: n: . . . . 


11 




Brass „ 6 „ .... 


5 




„ „ 4 „ .... 


3 




„ „ 3 „ .... 


13 




» » 2i „ .... 


3 




„ „ u „ .... 


9 J 1 


Total . . . 


92 




Iron Jinjals or Wall Pieces, on Wooden 






Carriages 


82 







(Signed) 
Shwe Dagon Pagoda, 
Rangoon, 15th April 1852. 



H. S 



PooED, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
Commanding Artillery serving in Burma. 



* Regarding carronades, we gained the following information while in Europe 
in 1862, having also visited the country of their Royal inventor : — " I caused a 
light gun, a 12-pounder " (writes the far-famed Patrick Miller, of Dalswinton) 
" to be cast at Carron." Eventually, " I caused a privateer to be fitted out at 
Liverpool, under the direction of a relative, who was a merchant there. She 
was a ship of two hundred tons burden, and carried sisteen light 18-pounder 
guns, which, from being cast at Carron, I directed to be named Carronades, 
— and these were the first carronades put aboard a ship. This ship I named 
the ' Spitfire.' Gustavus Adolphus may be said to have been the inventor of 
the carronades. Having always thought so, I directed the following inscrip- 
tion to be engraved upon a brass 32-pounder carronade : — 

' Quantum momenti sit in levibus tormentis, monstravit 
Gustavus magnus qui coriaceis usus est.' " 
A pamphlet exists, printed by Miller in 1779, giving a full account of the 
carronade, which he would appear to have invented ten years before. 



141 



CHAPTEH Y. 

CAPTUEE OF BASSEIN. BURMESE ATTACK ON MAETABAN. 

The capture of Bassein^ on Wednesday, the 19th of May, 
brought about by an attack, ably planned, well timed, and 
bravely executed, formed one of the most brilliant achievements 
recorded in this narrative * Bassein, it appears, was once a 
valuable port^ under the Portuguese power; and this position 
was declared by Sir Archibald Campbell to be the key of the 
Burmese Empire. In the last war the gallant Sale occupied 
Bassein, with a considerable force; but neither the force nor 
the station rendered much service to the army. This, of course, 
was occasioned by circumstances over which the British com- 
mander had no control; for Bassein really is an important 
position. With Prome and Donabew it forms a right-angled 
triangle, of which Prome and Bassein constitute the hypothe- 
nuse. It may be some eighty-five or ninety miles nearly 
direct west from Rangoon, Its chief advantage consists in 



* See " Rangoon," Appendix No. VIII. p. 270. 



142 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

commanding one of the three great navigable branches of the 
Irawady. 

On the 17th of May, General Grodwin proceeded with a de- 
tachment of 800 men, some 400 European and 300 Native 
Infantry, 60 Sappers, and a party of Marines, to take posses- 
sion of Bassein. To reach this port they were forced to make 
for Negrais^s island, and ascend the Bassein river — '' the Ran- 
goon river not being yet quite navigable upwards by the 
steamers " ; or rather, being navigable for boats only, by the way 
of Bassein Creek. The squadron consisted of the " Sesostris,''^ 
the " Moozuffer,^^ the " Tenasserim," and the little steamer 
" Pluto,'''' all under the command of Commodore Lambert. 

Bassein, about sixty miles above Negrais, was reached 
on the afternoon of the 19th. The " Pluto, '^ in advance, 
had intercepted a boat, filled with Burmese, on its way to give 
warning of our approach. Nothing could be got out of the crew 
save — " that it did not much matter whether news reached the 
Governor of Bassein or not, that a force was coming up against 
him, as everything was in a perfect state of readiness up there 
to blow us out of the water .^'' 

A good authority wrote : — '' By four o'clock in the afternoon 
of the 19th of May the steamers were ranged opposite the forti- 
fications of Bassein, having accomplished a voyage of sixty 
miles, without a pilot, up an unknown river, lined with stock- 
ades, without an accident, and without a shot having been fired. 
The Governor- General, in his Notification, thanking General 
Godwin and his force for their achievements, alludes to this 
circumstance as heightening in no small degree the difficulty, 
and therefore the credit of the exploit.'''' We agree with the 
writer in considering that, in the capture of Bassein, General 
Godwin displayed some of the best qualities of an English 
general. 

There is discrimination in the following remarks by another 
able authority : — 

" We read of no errors, the results of misinformation, of no 



CAPTURE OP BASSEIN. 143 

losses proceeding from rash or ill-digested movements. The 
work marked out could hardly have been executed with 
greater despatch ; nor could the resistance of the enemy, 
strongly posted, confident and determined, have been subdued 
and overcome with less loss. It is pleasing to have to record a 
success, alloyed by no imprudence, unaccompanied by a nu- 
merous list of casualties, resulting either from blundering 
ignorance, or rash, ill-considered and unnecessary attacks .''^ 

The conduct of all the troops employed, particularly 
H. M.^s 51st, was truly admirable on this occasion. 

There is something magnificently cool, too, about the gallant 
Captain Latter — parleying with the Burmese behind their own 
works, to the effect that if they would not fire at us, we would 
not fire on them. The reply of the enemy was, that if our 
force advanced one step farther they would fire on us. Captain 
Latter rejoined, that in that case we would turn them out root 
and branch. At the same time a heavy discharge of musketry 
and jinjals and round shot was poured into us,* 

Our troops then commenced work in right earnest. The 
non-commissioned officer accompanying Captain Latter was 
killed, and fell over that officer, who lay prostrate and stunned 
from the effects of a spent shot ; every one supposed him to 
have been killed. But, no ! — ^he bore a charmed life ; and 
more glory was in store for him. 

The noble Captain, in relating to us the story of this dan- 
gerous adventure, did not think the projectile fired at him was 
" a round shot,^^ * He considered himselfj however, to have 
had a very narrow escape ; and who will deny that he had ? 

" The whole affair," wrote a describer of the scene, " occu- 
pied fifty minutes, and a gallant one it was ; 5,000 of the King 
of Ava^s picked soldiers were there, and 2,000 men of Bassein," 
Of course, an Armenian, or European, was, as usual, seen on 
the works directing the Artillery. " The loss of the enemy was 

* Despatcli of Major Errington. 



144 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

calculated at 800 j tlie gunnery from tlie ships was terrific and 
most efifectual.''^ Considering our small numbers_, the loss on 
the side of the British was not trifling. 

The following officers were wounded: — Major Errington, 
Captains Darroch and Rice, and Lieutenant Carter — all of 
H. M/s 51st Foot ; also_, Lieutenant Ansley, of the 9th Madras 
Native Infantry _, and Lieutenant Rice, R.N. 

The grand total of guns and jinjals captured amounted to 
eighty-one. Immediately after the conquest, the Burmese 
evacuated the town ; — and thus Bassein fell ! 

The event is thus recorded in the Governor- GeneraFs Noti- 
fication, and General Godwin's Despatch. From the latter all 
the important details concerning the capture of Bassein may be 
culled : — 

" NOTIFICATION. 

"Fort William, Foreign Department, ^th June 1852. 

"The Governor- General in Council has the gratification of 
announcing the capture of Bassein, and o£ publishing, for 
general information, the Despatches which report the com- 
bined operations of the Naval and Military Force by which 
this service has been executed. 

" In ascending for sixty miles a river still very imperfectly 
known, in effecting the landing of the troops and capturing 
the city, the fort, and the stockaded defences on both sides of 
the river, fully garrisoned and armed, and in accomplishing all 
this with very unequal numbers, and within the limits of a single 
day, the combined forces at Bassein performed a gallant and 
spirited service, which well deserves the approbation and ap- 
plause of the Government of India, 

" To Lieutenant- General Godwin, C.B., and to Commodore 
Lambert, the Governor- General in Council has again the satis- 
faction of offering his cordial acknowledgments of the ability 
and good- will with which they have united their exertions for 
ensuring success to the operations in which they were engaged. 



CAPTURE OP EASSEIN. 145 

"The Governor- General in Council begs to repeat his thanks 
to Major Boulderson^ Deputy-Judge-Advocate General, to 
Captain Latter, to Captain Chads, A.D.C., and to Lieutenant 
Pord, of the Madras Sappers, for their conduct in the field on 
this occasion. 

" His Lordship in Council desires especially to mark his 
sense of the services rendered hj Major Errington, H. M/s 51st 
Light Infantry, commanding the detachment of troops at Bas- 
sein, and to Commander Campbell, of the Indian Navy, by 
whom the stockade upon the right bank of the river was 
stormed and taken. 

" To Captain Rice, Captain Darroch, and Lieutenant Carter, 
of H. M/s 51st Light Infantry, to Lieutenant Ansley, 9th Madras 
Native Infantry, to Lieutenant Craster, Bengal Engineers, and 
to Dr. McCosh, of the Medical Department, the Governor- 
General in Council begs leave to convey his best thanks. 

" Equal acknowledgments are due to Lieutenant Rice, R.N., 
to Lieutenant Elliot and Lieutenant Nightingale, R.M,, to 
Commander Hewett, to Lieutenant Robinson and Lieutenant 
Lewis, Indian Navy, and to Captain Dicey, Captain Burbank 
and Mr. F. Duncan, of the Bengal Marine, whose services have 
been commended. 

"The Governor- General in Council has particular satisfac- 
tion in adding the expression of his entire approbation of the 
gallantry and good conduct of the officers, non-commissioned 
officers, and men of H. M.-'s 51st Regiment, of 9th Regiment 
Madras Native Infantry, of the Madras Sappers and Miners, 
and of the seamen and marines employed in the capture of the 
City of Bassein. 

" By order of the Most Noble the Governor- General of 
India in Council. 

"C. Allen, 
"Officiating Secretary to the Government 
of India." 

10 



146 OUK BUEMESE WARS. 

From Lieutenant-General H. Godwin^ C.B., Commanding the 
Forces in Ava^ Arakan and Tenasserim Provinces. 

" SiR^ — The Governor- General having expressed some an- 
xiety about the south part of Arakan^ as being in the neigh- 
bourhood of Bassein, I resolved^ as soon as I could conveniently 
leave Eangoon, to take a detachment, and personally visit the 
place. On expressing this opinion to Commodore Lambert, he, 
to my very great pleasure, said he would accompany me. I 
fixed on Monday the 17th of May, and had a detachment 
warned to be ready to embark on that morning, consisting of 
400 of the 51st K. O. L. I., 300 of the 9th Madras Native 
Infantry, 67 Madras Sappers, and a sergeant and 6 gunners 
of the Bengal Artillery. The whole party was placed under 
the command of Major Errington of the 51st Light Infantry. 

"^ The Commodore appointed three fine vessels to carry the 
troops — the H. C. S. F. "^ Sesostris' and ^ MoozufFer,^ and the 
' Tenasserim,'' with a smaller steamer, the ' Pluto,"* carrying 
the Naval Brigade and Marines of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox.-* 

" We cleared the Rangoon river on the afternoon of Monday 
the 17th, and on the next evening anchored off Negrais Island, 
leading into the Bassein river. At daybreak the next morning 
the flotilla weighed and we ascended that most beautiful stream 
for sixty miles, which at 4 o^ clock brought us in view of the 
defences, of about a mile long, of the City of Bassein. We 
had passed some new stockades, one at and the other south of 
Naputa, a few miles below the town, which were not armed, but 
these consisted of one extensive stockade, with several hundred 
men in it, fully armed with cannon. 

"^ The enemy looked at us, but did not show any disposition 
to molest. The flotilla arrived at the left of their position, a 
strong well-built mud fort, armed with cannon and men. This 
we passed within two hundred yards, and so in succession aU 
their defences for nearly a mile, till the 'Tenasserim,' with 
the Commodore and myself on board, anchored opposite a 



CAPTURE OP BASSBIN. 147 

golden pagoda, centrally situated within the defences. The 
steamers anchored in succession without bringing down the fire 
of a single musket. 

'' The admirable position taken up by the steamers induced 
me to order the immediate landing of the troops. The enemy 
appeared so completely surprised and paralyzed by our ap- 
proachj that I gave orders not to fire unless fired on, and to 
take possession of the pagoda. Nearly all the men of H. M.^s 
51st Foot got on shore under the pagoda before a shot was 
fired. Captain Latter, my interpreter, accompanied Captain 
Darroch with a company of the 51st on shore, and landed on 
the extreme right of the works, opposite a traverse covering a 
gateway, and there a parley was held between Captain Latter 
and some Burmese on the walls, which brought on the first 
discharge of musketry, killing a sergeant and wounding two 
men. This fire was taken up and ran down the works, but 
soon ceased. 

^^At this time Major Errington made his advance on the 
pagoda and carried it in most gallant style, the 51st Light 
Infantry maintaining nobly the character they had ever com- 
manded by their courage and distinguished conduct in the field. 

'' The contest that stamped the operations of this remarkable 
day with a brilliant conclusion, was the attack on the mud 
fort, most scientifically built, and of great extent, which could 
only have been constructed under a despotism that commanded 
the labour of its subjects, in the short time they had been 
about it. It was not entirely completed in its details within. 
The storming party under Major Errington proceeding to the 
left of the Burmese works, accompanied by Lieutenant Rice, of 
H. M.'s frigate ' Fox,^ and Lieutenant Ford of the Madras 
Sappers, came upon this mud fort fully garrisoned and well 
armed. The attack was most determined, as was the defence 
obstinate. It was bravely stormed, but with the consequence 
of Major Errington and several officers and men being severely 
wounded ; Lieutenant Ansley, with a small detachment of the 

10 * 



148 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

9tli Madras Native Infantry shared in this contest; he was 
severely wounded^ and the corps proved itself to be as good as 
it looks, and it is one of the nicest* corps I have ever seen ; its 
gallantry and devotion on this occasion claiming the admiration 
of all who witnessed it. The whole affair was over a little 
after 6 o^clock. 

" While these operations had been going on, the Commodore 
had claimed the services of Captain Campbell of the 'Sesostris/ 
and his men, in destroying a stockade on the opposite bank of 
the river. They drove off the Burmese, fired the stockade, and 
took six guns. 

" I am informed from several sources that the enemy suffered 
very severely in the contest in the mud fort. 

" In having the honour, as well as the gratification of 
reporting to the Governor- General in Council the possession 
of this important station, I will observe that, from every indi- 
cation of preparations going on, the Government of this country 
intended to make it a most powerful place and to repair the 
loss of Rangoon by establishing Bassein as their mart of com- 
munication with this country, as well as a powerful position 
to keep in subjection the Pegu population, so decidedly and 
ever our friends, and also to maintain a threatening attitude 
towards the south of Arakan. 

'^ By leaving Bassein to itself, I should have been giving it 
back to the soldiery just driven out, as the defences had been 
built and put into the improved state I have described, by five 
thousand men from the Upper Country, commanded by a man 
of reputation. To secure it I have left a garrison of two 
companies (160 men) of the 51st Light Infantry, and 300 men 
of the Madras Native Infantry. These will be reinforced by 
an officer of artillery and half a company with two 9-pounder 
guns — the garrison now possessing two 12-inch howitzers. 

* It will be seen from this curious expression, and the despatch generally, 
that our gallant and amiable Commander was not a master in the art of 
despatch- writing. 



OAPTUEE OF BASSEIN. 149 

These,, with two months^ rations, will leave this on or about 
the 26th instant. Major Roberts, of the 9th Madras Native 
Infantry, will proceed in the same vessel to take command of 
Bassein ; he is an experienced and excellent officer. 

" I consider that in a few weeks the Burmese soldiery of the 
Upper Country will have returned to their homes, meeting with 
no sympathy from the Pegu population, and the Pegu soldiers 
themselves are already with their families, so that the garrison 
I have left could, in a military point of view, be withdrawn in 
six weeks ; and it will then remain with the Government of 
India to decide whether it will hold during the war this very 
important place. If so, further arrangements will be very 
necessary. Major Fraser, the Commanding Engineer, should 
visit it. A very little expense will make it a sure position. 
The barrack houses the soldiery are now in are excellent, and 
well built of wood. Fresh meat can be had, as the population 
of the place are coming under our protection in great numbers. 

" I may here remark, that that most admirable officer, and 
clear-seeing man, my most respected late Commander Sir A. 
Campbell, attached great importance to the holding of Bassein. 

" After passing two clear days in arranging for the stability 
of the detachment to be left here, on the morning of the 22nd, 
the flotilla, with the exception'of the ' Sesostris,^ which remains, 
weighed at daybreak, and reached Rangoon on the 23rd of 
May, after an absence of only seven days. 

"To Commodore Lambert, and to this combined expedition, 
the Governor- General in Council owes all that professional 
ability and unremitting exertion could accomplish towards 
success to which they so largely contributed. The Hon. Com- 
pany's steamer "^ Proserpine,' Commander Brooking, arrived 
twenty-four hours after the place was taken, but even so his 
activity was not lost, for he and his vessel went off the morning 
before we weighed and destroyed the stockade that I have 
mentioned to have passed on the way up to the river. 

"Major Erringtou; of H. M.'s 51st Light Infantry, who 



150 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

commanded the detachment of troops embarked for Bassein^ 
who principally directed this detachment^ and who fought this 
detachment^ deserves the particular thanks of the Most Noble 
the Governor- General in Council. I have great pleasure in 
forwarding his report of the operations^ for the perusal of his 
Lordship in Council. 

" I beg the best consideration of Government for Captain 
Bice and Lieutenant Carter^ of the 51st Light Infantry, and for 
Lieutenant Ansley, of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, all three 
severely wounded at the assault of the fort, and also for Lieu- 
tenant Ford, of the Sappers and Miners, on the same occasion, 
for Lieutenant Hice, 1st of H. M.^s frigate ' Pox,-' who com- 
manded the Naval Brigade, and who was severely wounded 
whilst particularly distinguishing himself in the attack of the fort. 

'' It has been brought to my notice that Mr. Duncan, the 
2nd officer of the Hon. Company^s steamer '^ Tenasserim,' at 
the head of a party of men of his ship, behaved most gallantly 
upon the same occasion. 

"To Captain Darroch, of the 51st Light Infantry, and to 
Captain Latter, my interpreter, thanks are due for their gal- 
lantry in forcing the traverse, and entering at the gate on the 
right of the enemy's position. Lieutenant Craster, of the 
Bengal Engineers, also merits thanks ; and the plan of Bassein, 
which I enclose for the Governor- General's inspection, will 
prove his professional competency. To Lieutenants Elliot and 
Nightingale, with the Marines of H. M.'s frigate ' Eox,' and 
to Captain Campbell, of the Hon. Company's steam frigate 
' Sesostris,' I beg your Lordship in Council's kind consideration. 
To Doctor McCosh and the officers of the Medical Department, 
thanks are particularly due. 

" The naval part of the expedition, both sailors and marines, 
supported the character that has ever been theirs of undaunted 
courage. 

" I have been considered wanting sometimes, in not more 
particularly naming corps or individuals, but in this peculiar 



OAPTXJEE OP BASSEIN. I5l 

warfare of constant assaults on well armed and strong positions^ 
often well defended^ it has been the noble emulation of all to 
be first into the enemy^s works. It was in such an efibrt of 
ambition that that fine and gallant young officer^ Lieutenant 
Doran^ of the 18th Royal Irish^ fell pierced with four balls^ far 
in advance of his proper post ; indeed, I might fill my report 
with names, were all to be individualised. 

"I now beg particularly to bring to the notice of the 
Governor- General in Council, Major Boulderson, of the Ma- 
dras Army, the Deputy Judge - Advocate - General of the 
Porce, who, on this occasion accompanied me and filled the 
two posts of Assistant- Adjutant and Assistant-Quartermaster- 
General to the expedition, as I could not move from their 
important duties at Rangoon Adjutant-General Mayhew nor 
Quartermaster- General Allan. 

''^The Major has been of much essential service to me in 
various ways ; and the judicious manner in which he posted 
the picquets after the capture of Bassein, in that wilderness of 
houses and jungle, tended to the perfect security of the force. 
Captain Chads, my Aide-de-camp, never leaves me, and always 
makes himself particularly useful. 

" Since my last report, nothing worthy of note has occurred 
at Rangoon. The town is increasing in importance by crowds 
of natives who daily come in with their families and goods ; as 
is the case throughout the neighbourhood, but especially at 
Kemmendine, which is as large a place as Rangoon. 

" The conduct of the troops is excellent, and their health is 
improving daily since the rain has set in. 

" I have the honour to be, &c., 
(Signed) " H. Godwin, Lieutenant-General, 
" Commanding the forces in Ava, 

Arakan and Tenasserim Provinces. 

" Head-Quarters, Rangoon, 24th May 1852. 

" To Charles Allen, Esq. 
" Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign 
Department, Fort William, 



152 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

On Monday^ May 24th, the General returned from Bassein. 
The town of Pegu was said to be occupied by a Burmese chief, 
who had been victorious over the Peguese. In the morning 
there was a grand parade round the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, with 
all the customary honours, to celebrate her Majesty^s birthday. 
The eflFect was very grand and impressive. 

It was supposed that the unfortunate ex-Governor of Ran- 
goon, who on a recent occasion was so nearly caught by 
Colonel Apthorp, had at length been captured and sent in 
chains to Ava. He was the same Mightiness who, at the 
commencement of operations, had put the Line-Myoothoon-Gee 
in irons for failing to re-capture the King^s ship. What an 
example of the biter bit ! — Lieutenant Tayler, with a detach- 
ment of Artillery and two guns, proceeded to Bassein. Major 
Roberts, with the remainder of his regiment, likewise went to 
take command of the new position.— Such were a few of the 
small and great events which followed the capture.. 

On May 31st, intelligence arrived of an 



Attach on Martaban. 

At 6 o^ clock on Wednesday morning (26th), a Burmese 
advanced force, consisting of about 600 men, under Moung- 
Bwosh, the Governor of Martaban, marched over the hill from 
the western side, and made a sudden and unexpected rush upon 
the picquets guarding the heights. The alarm now being given, 
the troops were under arms and at their guns. Major Hall 
ordered the picquets at the northern pagoda into camp, and 
subsequently sent a strong party of sepoys, under the command 
of Lieutenant Holmes, to reconnoitre, under cover of the ar- 
tillery guns. The Burmese, however, advanced; a party of 
about 1,000 kept near the small white pagoda below the hill; 
another of about 2,000 lay a mile away in reserve, while a 
smaller force kept up a smart fire on the troops at the distance 



ATTACK ON MARTABAN. 163 

of about 150 yards north of the camp. The party under Lieu- 
tenant Holmes was placed in a very perilous situation; but 
that officer succeeded in returning to camp with, however, 
serious loss in three killed and eleven wounded, of whom eight 
were dangerously so, a subadar of the 40th Native Infantry 
being of the number of the latter. The ArtUlery now played 
with the most deadly effect, and the report of heavy guns at 
Martaban caused the alarm to be sounded in cantonments at 
Maulmain. The two companies of H. M.^s 51st Light Infantry 
and 26th Native Infantry got under arms; the former were 
marched off at once, embarked in boats, and proceeded to 
Martaban. The " Feroze,^^ from her position opposite the 
office of Messrs. Graceman and Co., a distance of some two or 
three miles from the white pagoda on the hill, sent discharges 
of artillery which made the Burmese seek a more distant 
point of protection, and defaced the beauty of their pagoda. 
The strength of the Burmese was now seriously weakened, 
and the reserved forces obliged to be brought up to the rescue. 
These were also reduced in number, for the attack being in 
open day, and not as hitherto at night, their position and 
numbers were ascertained and dealt with accordingly. A 
body of men entrenched themselves behind a small white 
pagoda, near their former storehouse or magazine, and hoisted 
a flag on it, which, being observed by Lieutenants Steuart 
and Baird, became a mark at once. The flag on the first shot 
was sent down in tatters, the summit of the pagoda keeping it 
company. The Burmese now found themselves uncomfortably 
situated here, the guns being fired in this direction until the 
glacis of the hill was cleared. From this time until late in 
the evening shots were fired at intervals to clear the place of 
stragglers. 

Commodore Lynch, on delivering his instructions to his 
second in command, manned his three cutters, and proceeded 
up the Salween to intercept the flight of the Burmese. He 
found them scattered at the third pagoda, now repairing, north 



154 OITE BUEMBSE WARS. 

of tlie camp^ and ordered his boats to open fire upon them with 
shell and canister^ which made them retire. The Infantry 
met them in their flight,, and opened a raking fire upon them. 
Captain Tapley^ on the other hand^ with his own cutter, and 
one from the "Medusa/^ manned by marines from the 
"Feroze/' went in a south-westerly direction, but failed to 
meet the enemy. The boats returned on the same evening, 
and proceeded up again yesterday morning. 

The Burmese force was commanded by the notorious Dacoit 
chief and robber Moung Shoay-loang, who had been sent 
from Ava to retake Martaban, or forfeit his head in case of 
failure. Wednesday last was, according to the guardian angels 
of Moung Shoay-loang, considered the lucky day for the 
exploit ; but with what success has now been seen. 

Burmese Games. 

A few words about the games among Talaings and Burmese 
may now be interesting. The principal are cock-fighting, 
wrestling, bufl'alo-fighting, foot-baU, and boat-racing. They 
have likewise a sort of dice to aid their gambling propensities. 
Ai the buffalo-fights men sit on the beasts ; these last rush at 
each other with tremendous fury. Frequently the horns be- 
come locked together, when a trial of strength ensues, each 
pushing his adversary as far back as possible. The bufialoes, 
after a short contest, generally become tired of the sport, and 
not unfrequently scamper away at a furious rate from their 
tormentors. The bufiklo is seldom kiUed; but the rider is 
often thrown. The game is every bit as rational as the bull- 
fights so extensively patronised by the ladies of Spain, and to 
the Burmese ladies it is certainly quite as exciting. Foot- 
ball is played with a small ball of wicker-work — very light, 
of course. The players form a circle, and keep up the 
ball with remarkable skill : with knee or foot they send it 
flying in every direction, as if they were perfect masters in the 



BUEMESE GAMES. 155 

law of projectiles * In boat-racing the Burmese shine con- 
siderably. Boats very long and very narrow, with some twenty 
rowers on a side_, and paddled along at an incredible speed. 
Singing and a variety of gestures aid the effect of this exciting 
amusement. The Burmese posture o£ defiance is common in 
the pleasure as well as in the war boats. The latter are gene- 
rally ornamented, and armed with some thirty men or so, 
carrying questionable muskets, but sharp dhas. A national 
game, of minor importance, is a sort of draughts. The players 
commence by drawing squares on the ground, and seated oc- 
casionally in a state of profound abstraction before a move, 
they play away with a gravity worthy of the great Gautama 
himself. The Burmese enjoy a game at cards quite as much as 
the old ladies of England. They are fond of music and very 
superstitious : many of them believe in fairies. The instru- 
ment of sound used is a sort of harmonicon, which discourses 
most eloquent music either to the adventurer on his rambles, 
or to the Burmese beauty as she sits, like many of those in our 
country, pensive and alone. Men and women, in every clime, 
are both poets and musicians by nature. In the melody or 
modulation of sound there is a wonderful power, which, 
" partly from nature, partly from habit and association, makes 
such pathetic impressions on the fancy, as delights even the 
most wild barbarians .^^ The Burmese are likewise fond of 
dancing, when they frequently display their skill in the dress 
of devils. What the sensation drama is to the British public, 
the Pooay is to the Burman. 

We shall conclude this chapter with the descriptiont of a 
Burmese funeral. 

* WMle revising this narrative (September 1879) the writer has just learned 
that English foot-ball has now become common among the Burmese. They 
use the leather cover, with bladder inside, and affect Eugby to a considerable 
extent ! Lately, we understand, the Burmese beat the gallant 54th at foot- 
ball. 

t From notes furnished us by Lieutenant CadeU, of the Bengal Artillery. 
This description is of the most humble Burmese funeral. In general, the last 



156 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

Returning from Kemmendine in the evening, we saw a Bur- 
mese funeral-procession following tlie remains of an old woman. 
Women and children attended as well as men, and three priests 
brought up the rear. The corpse is placed in a coffin made 
of matting, and is carried by four men. Old women were 
howling in a most disconsolate manner. On reaching the burial- 
ground the poougis (or phongyees) came forward, and took up 
their position on a raised platform at the head of the grave. 
Before the priests were placed three large dishes of plantains, 
and dried fish. Pieces of wood were put across the grave, and 
the coffin rested on them. The men then kneeled round the 
priests, and the women and children formed an outer semi- 
circle. A poongi then repeated a few prayers, to which the 
men responded. Then a long prayer was said, and, while 
the priest was speaking, a man was pouring water slowly on 
the ground from a small earthenware vessel. This finished the 
ceremony, and the poongi s, having had their provisions care- 
fully collected, departed. The corpse was then taken from 
the coffin and buried. Buddhists, it must be remembered, bury 
as well as burn. Pouring the water from the earthen vessel is 
to signify the spirit departing from the body. 



rites, even where no sign of great wealth is observable, are performed with 
extravagant splendour. The bier of the deceased, raised on high, and enclosed 
in the model of a Buddhist temple, borne along on the shoulders of some dozens 
of bearers, the glaring red and gilt and silvery ornaments of the grotesque 
machine, to which a grace is given by the white flags and umbrellas attached 
to it ; the long train of followers, chiefly women, in rear, and poongis in 
front. Such is a faint outline of the richer Burmese funeral. 



157 



CHAPTER Yl. 

PEGU. PROME. THE GEAND QUESTION. LORD DALHOUSIE 

AT RANGOON. 

During the first fortnight of May^ the Peguese had risen in 
considerable strength against the Burmese^ and had turned 
them out of their towns and villages. At the end of the same 
month we found the case reversed ; and the town of Pegu again 
in the hands of a Burmese chieftain. Regarding the Peguese 
already in the light of allies^ it was natural to expect that an 
expedition from our Force would shortly pay their ancient 
capital a visit. Pegu was reduced by Alompra^ after his 
conquest of Burma's rival kingdom^ to a state of comparative 
ruin and desolation. 

The conqueror spared the temples^ among others the mag- 
nificent Shwe-madoo Praw, or Temple of the Golden Supreme.* 

Conciliation was attempted. But every endeavour to con- 
ciliate the Peguese by Burmese strategy signally failed. What 



* See "Rangoon," Appendix No. IX. p. 276. The extreme height of this 
building, above the level of the country, is three hundred and sixty-one feet, 
or about forty feet higher than the Great Shwe Dagon, 



168 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

they souglit for was — either independence^ or a good system 
of 'government by the people of a nation wiser and more 
civilised than themselves. With the former, in its strict sense^ 
every half- civilised people must now go back in the scale ; 
with the latter they must advance_, and add their portion of 
lustre to the triumphant light which shall, sooner or later, 
dwell upon earth. 

The town of Pegu is situated some seventy-five miles nearly 
north from Rangoon, to which it is far inferior as a commercial 
position. On the 2nd of June an expedition was ready 
to start for Pegu. The party consisted of two companies 
of H. M.-'s 80th, and two companies of the 67th Bengal Native 
Infantry, the whole under Colonel Sturt, of the latter corps. 
As many as could be stowed were placed on board the " Phle- 
gethon^^; the remainder were put in country boats, to be 
towed. But it was soon discovered that the boats were not 
seaworthy. The troops could not proceed to Pegu that day; 
so all were marched back to quarters. On the following 
morning the expedition, considerably reduced in size, made a 
successful start. It now consisted of one company of H. M.^s 
80th Foot,* the rifle company of the 67th Bengal Native Infan- 
try, under Captain Hicks, and a detachment of Madras Sappers 
and Miners, under Lieutenant Macintosh, with Lieutenant 
Mayne as Field Engineer ; the whole commanded by Brevet- 
Major Cotton, of the 67th Regiment. This force was accom- 
panied by a small party of the marines and sailors from the 
" Fox,-*^ " Phlegethon,^^ and " Medusa,^-* under the command of 
Captain Niblett, of the ^'Phlegethon,''^ and Commander Tarleton, 
of H.M.S. '' Fox.'' All embarked on board the '' Phlegethon " 
steamer, which took in tow the boats of the squadron. 

Of course our " Chevalier Bayard,-'-'t Captain Latter, accom- 
panied the expedition. By nightfall the steamer had reached 



* We believe commanded by Captain Ormsby. 
t Sans peur at sans reproclie. 



PEGU. 159 

within sixteen miles of Pegu^ where she anchored. From the 
narrowness and shallowness of the river it was not considered 
safe to proceed farther. The only thing worth observing that 
took place on the passage was that several large villages, as 
the expedition came in view, assembled all their inhabitants on 
the banks of the river, and cheered and raised their hands 
towards Pegu ! " Let the British standard be planted on the 
walls of Pegu ! " 

On anchoring for the night, information was brought off 
that a party of Peguese, on the right bank of the stream, under 
a chief named Moungtah, had risen and defeated, the day 
before, a detachment of the Burmese garrison, and that they 
had proceeded along the bank of the river, intending to co- 
operate with us in the attack on Pegu. 

The allies were to be distinguished by wearing a small white 
flag in the cap. 

Next morning the whole party took to the boats, and pro- 
ceeded leisurely up to Pegu, a short distance from which 
Moungtah and his Peguese band made their appearance. 
These were directed, in case of accident, during our operations, 
to keep at a distance till required. However, as heavy firing 
was heard on the right bank of the river, between the Peguese 
and the Burmese, the troops immediately landed. A few of 
the enemy only were to be seen, retreating as fast as they 
could. The boats and naval party, under Commander Tarle- 
ton, were directed to proceed farther up the river, to cut off 
the retreat of the enemy who might attempt to pass across. 
However, seeing a party of the enemy on the left bank, on 
which the town of Pegu is situated. Commander Tarleton 
landed the whole of his party, except the boat-keepers, and 
proceeded to disperse them. Having advanced some distance, 
a body of Burmese, seeing the unguarded state of the boats, 
pounced upon them, and took possession. Fortunately the 
Burmese were more anxious to plunder than to destroy the 
boats. 



160 OIJE BUEMESE WAES. 

As Commander Tarleton and his party were returning to 
their boats they were fired upon from jungle growing upon 
old and ruined walls. The little party gallantly turned to the 
assault^ and entered the work by a large gap or gateway, which 
was not fortified. There were not more than forty shots fired 
by the enemy, who fled before the steady fire of the naval 
force with the utmost precipitation. Seven Burmese only were 
shot down. It was on entering this gap that a correct view of 
the future scene of operations was obtained. Within these 
ruined walls was an open area of about four miles in length ; 
nearly in the centre a lofty pagoda, with much jungle at its 
base. The enemy also appeared in considerably larger force 
than was expected. Commander Tarleton, accordingly, pru- 
dently determined to hold the gap, and to send notice to the 
troops under Major Cotton, on the opposite bank. These were 
on their return, having heard that the boats were in the pos- 
session of the enemy. In the meantime Commander Tarleton 
likewise heard of the same circumstance; and that gallant 
officer immediately returned with his men to the scene of dis- 
embarkation. Thus, the sailors coming down on the one bank 
and the soldiers on the other, the boats were immediately re- 
captured with the loss of two riflemen wounded. 

It being now about 10 o^ clock a.m., the sun was very power- 
ful ; and the men having passed over a large extent of ground. 
Major Cotton prudently determined on postponing the attack 
on the pagoda till 3 p.m. By that time the men would have 
rested, and enjoyed their rations. The gallant Major took up 
an admirable position with the Rifles in front inside the ruined 
walls, sheltered by the jungle covering them, and commanding 
a clear view of any movements from the pagoda. The European 
portion of the force put up in the few huts that remained about 
one hundred yards in the rear on the bank of the river ; the 
sailors occupied the boats. About 1 p.m., however, the enemy, 
apparently emboldened by what seemed to be inactivity, and 
perhaps by the loot (spoil) from the boats, which had been taken 



PEGU. 161 

to the pagoda, were seen coming down about fourteen hundred 
strong, in something like order, commanded by some thirty- 
chiefs, on ponies. Another account said, there were one thou- 
sand two hundred men, some mounted, and carrying umbrellas 
over their chiefs, besides which there were regular horsemen, 
who, while they rode, sung a kind of vaunting song. The 
alarm being sounded, the Rifles immediately rushed out, and 
held the enemy in check. On the native troops being joined 
by the European soldiers and sailors the enemy immediately 
fled ; and so precipitate was their retreat, that not a single 
Burman was touched even by the long shots of the rifles. The 
advance of cur small and gallant party was now so rapid that 
they seemed as if by magic, in one instant, to rush up the west 
and south faces of the pagoda, killing a few of the enemy, and 
suffering no loss whatever themselves. 

A stronger party, under Mr. Midshipman L , was now 

left in the boats ; and Captain Latter was directed to remain 
for their further safety with the Peguese on the banks. The 
next day was spent in destroying the granaries, and carrying off 
nine guns ; and, on the following morning, the whole party 
returned to the steamer. The entire loss of the British on this 
occasion was one European sailor killed, and two wounded, in 
the occupation of the boats by the enemy. One sailor was 
wounded in the assault on the gap, under Commander Tarleton; 
and two riflemen were wounded on our recapture of the boats. 
The loss of the Burmese could scarcely be estimated, from the 
best information, at more than one score. 

Thus was the old town of Pegu captured. It was not occu- 
pied by the British, but made over to the Talaings — a political 
step on which it was rather difficult to form an opinion, after an 
earnest request from the Peguese for the expulsion of their 
oppressors.* It was thought, however, they would defend 



* The following was publislied about the middle of June : — " The British 
troops stormed the pagoda at Pegu, after some heavy skirmishing on the 4th, 

11 



162 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

tlieir own persons, if they could not keep their towns^ till Pegu 
came forth in greater beauty than ever, under an enlightened 
rule. The month of June in this narrative was also distin- 
guished by the achievements of the Hon. Company^s gallant 
little steamer " Proserpine/^ under Captain Brooking, in the 
Irawady. She was sent up the river, and made good her way, 
before the middle of the month, without serious opposition, to 
where the Irawady divides itself, like the two prongs of a fork ; 
or, say eighty miles below Prome. All that portion of the 
river below this point was thus surveyed. At the point 
where the Irawa^ly divides into two streams, and above which 
there is no other outlet, to the sea, we may be said to command 
the navigation of the great river. Captain Brooking, with the 
" Proserpine,^^ succeeded immediately after in exploring the 
Irawady to within thirty miles of Prome, having thus pene- 
trated into the very heart of the enemy^s country, and, with 
the assistance of two well-armed boats of H.M.S. ^"^Fox," 
having captured and destroyed eighty boats of grain, of thirty 
tons each. The rice in these boats was destined for the Bur- 
mese army assembling at Prome, and its loss at such a crisis 
was, of course, severely felt. An intelligent writer remarked : — 
" It was a proud thing to reflect upon this little English vessel 
alone, in the midst of enemies and of an enemy's country, 
performing its duties as unconcernedly as if it was on the 
Thames, and taking and destroying the Burmese Commissariat 
in their very teeth.''' 

The '' Proserpine," on her voyage, did not escape being fired 



witli a loss of one seaman killed ; three seamen, two sepoys, and one camp- 
follower wounded. The force, after destroying the fortifications, returned to 
Rangoon on the 5th. Everything quiet round Bassein. The enemy had left 
the neighbourhood, and the inhabitants were coming in numbers to seek pro- 
tection under our rule. The troojDS were all very healthy. Soon after our 
troops left the old town of Pegu, the Burmese came down in a body of three 
thousand or four thousand strong, and drove out the Pegnese." 



PEGU. 163 

on; and, about the end of the month, intelligence reached us 
at Rangoon of a brilliant little affair against a stockade, which 
she silenced and destroyed,, after expending all her ammunition. 
This position was, most probably, held by a strong band of 
dacoits, who roam like firebrands through the country, ready to 
espouse any successful side, but, until opportunity turns up, 
destroying everything that comes in their way. Similar lawless 
vagabonds infest the Nizam^s dominions in the Deccan. But 
" Jolly June " had its peaceful as well as its warlike triumphs ; 
the former, of course, at Rangoon. An elegant theatre was being 
erected for the entertainment of officers and men ; and the 
Rev. Mr. Burney's reading and lecture room was very well 
attended. This excellent chaplain arrived from Calcutta early 
in May ; and his frequent visits to the hospitals, combined 
with his admirable expositions of pious and homely truths to 
the men on a Sunday, effected immense good. His idea of 
getting up instructive lectures for the men^ to be delivered 
once or twice on the week days, was a good one."^ Large 
audiences of British soldiers were enlightened with a graphic 
sketch of the rise of European traffic in Burma to its decline, 
with various information regarding the country. They were 
likewise, we believe, favoured by Mr. Kincaid — before alluded 
to — with a lectm^e on Buddha, which one would imagine to 
have been rather above their comprehension. When the author 
of this work was at home on furlough a well-educated man 
took him into a corner one evening, and said, with a solemn 
face, — *'Now tell me, what does Buddha mean? Who ivas 
Buddha 1 " A very natural question, and one of so puzzling a 
character, that we were obliged to leave it to such men as 
Colonel Sykes and Professor Wilson to fairly answer. 



* In September 1864 Koyal Artillery lectures and public readings for the 
Europeans were established at Rangoon. But these were got up under far 
more advantageous circumstances than in 1852, the year of the first lecture to 
British soldiers ia Pegu. 

11 * 



164 OUK BUEMESE WARS. 

Yes, witli all their erudition and vast research, notwith- 
standing the immortal labours of Sir W. Jones, Vans Kennedy^ 
Coleman, Colebrooke, Remusat, Manupied, and a host of others, 
men will be inquiring, in a generation yet to come, — Who was 
Buddha?* 

Mr. Kincaid, on his return from Maulmain, recovered but a 
very small portion of his valuable books lost in the " Flight." 
Lexicons and dictionaries, letters and manuscripts, were no- 
where to be found. This zealous missionary appeared to be a man 
of no ordinary stamp, judging by all we had heard of him from 
officers of the Force and others. Having resided some twenty 
years in Burma, he had amassed a vast quantity of infor- 
mation concerning the people and the country. His work of 
proselytism had been wonderfully successful. He twice visited 
the city of Ava ; and on one or more occasions experienced ill- 
treatment. If the truth were known, we dare say this American 
missionary had really been, like many before him, and St. Paul 
his great exemplar, ^' in perils by the heathen, in perils in the 
city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils among false brethren.^' 
Thinking seriously on the matter, there is something to greatly 
admire in those devoted men and women who labour in a 
distant land, consecrating their whole lives to an obedience to 
the Divine mandate, published by the Great Captain of our 
Salvation — " Go and preach the Gospel to every creature ! ■" 
There can be little doubt that the missionaries stand forth as 
the pioneers of civilisation in Burma. Regarding the mis- 
sionary enterprise in a political point of view, two things are 
requisite, above all others, moderation and patience ! With 
these the grand cause must flourish — without them there can 



* How true it is, that the very errors of the human mind form a part of its 
history ! In China there are three systems of philosophic or religious belief 
— Yu, the doctrine of Confucius; Fo, or Buddhism ; and the sect of Taou, or 
Rationalists. Buddhism, " the fairest branch of the religion of India," called 
also Samaneism, deserves the attentive study of every thinking man. For 
remarks on Gautama and Buddhism, see " Rangoon," chap. x. p. 129. 



PEGU. 165 

be no satisfactory result. Atidj musing carefully over the re- 
spective creeds of Brahmanism and Buddhism^ very many may 
be apt to believe that the latter presents the easier field for 
missionary labour ; and^ consequently, the chance of success 
must be greater. On the plain Deism of the Karens, also, 
we know that missionaries do not find it difficult to engraft 
the valuable truths of Christianity; whereas, in the dark 
religion of Brahmanical polytheism, the difficulties are legion, 
and terribly disheartening to the Christian philanthropist. 

Mr. Burney^s father was the well-known Resident at the 
Court of Ava, Colonel Burney, who, when the Burmese Go- 
vernment would have a Resident no longer, was yet requested 
by the King to stay as a friend. 

Captain Impey, of whom we briefly wrote in our first 
Narrative,* was now quietly residing at Bankok, in Siam^ under 
the assumed name of George Aylmer. At first he was reported 
to be drilling the King of Siam's troops; but he was really 
there in the peaceful capacity of a merchant. The adven- 
turous Captain " hoped to be appointed agent to the Singapore 
merchants at the capital of Siam.^'' 

From the throne Amainnwinichai-Mahaiswriyapheman, great 
improvements were now expected in the government of Siam. 
The policy of exclusiveness was said to be, at length, aban- 
doned ; and the Siamese King had taken to free trade, after a 
fashion, which was as necessary to the welfare of his kingdom 
as to his own preservation. He had forbidden his own subjects 
the use of opium, and had made a vigorous effort to extend the 
commerce of his country. 

Regarding that curious people, the Karens,t Deists, who 



* See " Kangoon," p. 144. 

t " Their traditions embody remembrances of the creation, the deluge, and 
the promise of a deliverer." They, in fact, embrace what may be styled the 
fossilized skeletons of the faith. 



166 OITE BURMESE WARS. 

occupy the various mountainous and difficult tracts througli- 
out Burma^ Pegu, the Tenasserim coast, and parts of the Shan 
and Siamese countries, we read that the " second section of 
the great Karen tribe, which in Burma has embraced Chris- 
tianity by themselves, and is rapidly being organized into a 
nation, resides in Siam '^ (1852). 

There is evidently a great change operating in the Siamese 
character. The pride of this nation has been described by 
some author of note, as so excessive, that the lowest Siamese 
considered himself superior to the greatest subject of any other 
nation. In their literature, as with the Burmese, they have 
nothing to enforce upon them the folly of extreme pride. 

In June, it may be mentioned, the Madras Artillery sustained 
a severe loss by the death of that excellent officer, Major Hugh 
Montgomery.^" He had distinguished himself at the capture 
of the White House Stockade, and during the advance on the 
Great Pagoda. 

By the commencement of July, Hangoon was a flourishing 
town, with some forty or fifty thousand inhabitants. t People 
to be seen of nearly every creed, and of every Asiatic nation. 
Of course, it was to be expected that among this numerous 
pojjulation lurked many men of questionable character. There 
was the slippery dacoit, who had come to try his hand, perhaps, 
upon a commissariat bullock ; there was the wily gambler who 
had come to cheat those who had money about them; there 
were Burmese spies, who had just dropped in to look quietly at 
the state of aifairs, and see whether our gallant General was on 
the qui vive or not ; but the majority consisted of those who 
were driven by hunger to flee from Burmese oppression, and 



* The lamented Major was brother to the late Sir Henry Montgomery, 
Bart., for many years a member of Her Majesty's Indian Council. 

t This may not be quite correct, as, in 1857, the population of Rangoon did 
not much exceed forty thousand. For 1851, or shortly before, the war, we have 
seen it printed as low as twenty thousand. 



pmv. 167 

who now rejoiced to live in certain security^ under British 
protection ! Was it not for this^ Providence sent us here ? Was 
not the Indian Government working out its grand destiny ? 
Near the beach was an immense bazaar^ where fish^ fruit, meat^ 
and vegetables were sold. The vendors were women, old and 
young. There were pine-apples, plantains, and mangoes in 
abundance, for sale ; also pumpkins and cucumbers. The bek- 
ties aud maiigoe fish were, generally speakiug, very inferior to 
what we got in India. 

And, in addition to the necessaries of life, many articles 
of luxury were now procurable in Rangoon. Justice breathed 
under the vigilant magistracy of Captain Latter ; and, on the 
whole, civilisation here seemed in a fair way of taking root. 

From such a point of prosperity in our narrative we pass on 
to the middle of July, when the welcome intelligence arrived 
of the success of an expedition of steamers which had been 
despatched up the Irawady. 

The flotilla was under Commander Tarleton, E.N.; and the 
steamers employed were the " Proserpine,"" " Pluto,^^ " Phlege- 
thon," "Medusa,"' and "Mahanuddy."" 

Prome had been circumvented ; the enemy's war- boats had 
been destroyed, and the Burmese put to flight, with the loss of 
forty guns. " It is all up with the army/' said many. " There 
will be no medal for Prome ! ■" said a few. The wise said nothing ; 
although it did certainly seem that James Watt had taken more 
than his share of the glory. The question of " Could not the 
General ere this have taken troops sufficient to Prome in the 
steamers and rafts ? ■" or, " Could he not have taken two thou- 
sand men_, and at once have occupied Prome on this occasion ? " 
might have been answered in various ways ; one of them, per- 
haps, " It would certainly have been impolitic to have denuded 
Rangoon of troops, at such a period of the war, without the 
chance of immediate reinforcements." Another, " Why occupy 
Prome immediately, when the wishes of Government are not 
known on the subject of annexation ? '■' and another, " Why 



168 OtJE BURMESE WARS. 

should tlie men be exposed at such a season as this, with the 
chance of, on their arrival at Prome, finding all the houses 
burned to the ground, and the ancient boundary between Pegu 
and Burma utterly destroyed ? " 

The object of the expedition to Burma was described by 
Lord Derby, in the House of Lords,* as follows : — " To strike 
a blow against Rangoon and Martaban, which by striking terror 
into the minds of the Burmese, and by showing the efiiciency 
of our forces, would induce them to make peace on terms 
honourable to the British Government/' Far more than this 
had been done. Bassein had been captured, and various minor 
successes had attended our arms ; and then the Burmese kept 
silence, while the Peguese seemed everywhere to desire our 
protection and government ; yet Peace did not come from the 
Court of Ava ! With the golden-footed King, or his vile and 
dissolute advisers, she did not dwell ! 

All this would naturally tend to place the British Commander 
in a difficult position. Be this as it may, many thought Com- 
mander Tarleton had done a very fine thing. The General, just 
returned from a tour of inspection, was astonished at the event 
which had humiliated Prome, for a time. 

The following description of the afiair was eventually de- 
livered by electric telegraph in Calcutta, when the " Fire 
Queen " came within telegraphic range of the City of Palaces: — 
" Prome was occupied on the 9th July. Twenty-two guns, 
many of large calibre, taken from the enemy by the steam 
flotilla in the Irawady, under the command of J. W, Tarleton, 
E..N. Flotilla attacked on the 7th by a strong force of the 
enemy at Konongee. Silenced enemy's fire in an hour, and 
the steamers proceeded. On the 10th, fell in with the rear of 
General Bandoola's army, and, after an exchange of shots, the 
enemy fled in great confusion, leaving the General's state-barge. 



5th of April, 1852. 



p^GV, 169 

standard, two gold umbrellas, several large war-canoes, and 
twenty prisoners in our possession." A few officers were 
wounded,* and, on tlie whole, twenty-eight guns were taken ; 
twenty-nine by another account, and among them one 42 
and one 54-pounder. Commander Tarleton, we believe, went 
through what may be styled the eastern channel, passing 
the Burmese who were drawn up in force, not on the island, 
but on the left bank of the river. This movement ahnost 
paralyzed the enemy ; and as our steamers were returning, war- 
boats were sent out to intercept their progress. Then com- 
menced the work of destruction and capture which terminated 
tliis brilliant little affair. Strange enough, in almost deserted 
Prome, some inhabitants who sought our protection assisted 
the men in finding the guns. A poor Peguese labourer, on 
being asked by one of our officers why he acted thus, replied, 
" Because we are perishing under this Government ; no secu- 
rity for person, no secm'ity for property. If a man is possessed 
of five rupees to-day, and it becomes known, he is robbed of it 
by the greedy authorities to-morrow." No person in Burma, 
"ventures to exhibit his wealth by enjoying it, for means of 
extortion would soon be used to deprive him of it." 

The people were fleeced by the governors, "who were delegated 
by the King to rule over them for a high consideration. And 
of course the chief object was to drain the coffers of their 
helpless charge by a system of oppression. 

Could it be otherwise, than that this people should wish the 
dynasty of Alompra at an end ? The dog had had his day ; he 
had earned a bad name ; should we hang him ? In an age of 
social progress and enlightenment, all such vile instruments 
of government must be swept away. What should such crea- 



* According fco tHs report, Lieutenant Elliot, Rl. M., Mr. J. Morgan, assist.' 
Biu-geon, H.M.S. "Fox," Mr. Hunter, I, N., and Mr. Brayer, mate, I. N, 



170 

tures as these do " crawling between earth and heaven ? "^ The 
grand question which now arose^ was_, " Would it be wise and 
politic in our Government to annex the country to our eastern 
domain? " We were inclined to answer in the affirmative. 
It would,, we thought^ be both wise and politic to absorb Burma^ 
and place the worthless king on the list of pensioners. The 
country deserves care and trouble; let us dispense the bless- 
ings of security and civilisation^ and ensure wealth and prosperity 
to a wide-spread and interesting people^ whose domestic morals 
we may reform in the course of time^ the vast and rich re- 
sources of whose country we shall be able to evolve for their 
own benefit as well as that of mankind at large. The Burmese 
would not require a great eftbrt to be tamed under the paw of 
the British lion, and would form the most formidable barrier 
between our own and the Chinese Empire. Another view ad- 
vocated the annexation of the kingdom of Pegu only to the 
British possessions in the East, This would humiliate the court 
of Ava^ by taking away its best provinces, and would relieve the 
Peguese from tyranny and oppression. And many Burmese 
would soon come under our protection. At the close of the 
last war numbers of Burmese expatriated themselves; they 
availed themselves of a time and opportunity for emancipation 
from tyranny, flocked into the Tenasserim Provinces, " and 
formed the nucleus of their future prosperity.^' 

The reader may now naturally inquire if any jealousy exists 
between the Talaings and Burmese? Not nearly so much as 
might be expected. 

They are both of the Tartar race^f and each has been inde- 
pendent in its turn ; neither of them is affected by caste ; and 



* Written in 1852. The author must have anticii3ated the reign of King 
Thebau in 1879. Hamlet's remark, in this case, becomes more striking, when 
we consider that Mandalay is held by the Bm^mese to be under the especial 
charge of Santama ! 

t This is, of course, an assumption ; the people of further India are suj 
by Mr. Crawfurd to be radically distinct from any other Asiatic race. 



PEGU. 171 

excepting a little jealousy Avhich exists between the high phon- 
gyees, or rahans (priests, or monks) , of the Burmese and Talaings 
— said simply to have reference to temporal dignity and position, 
without a tendency to produce schism — there is not more envy 
than we observe every day between any two men of a different 
trade or country. The question remains open whether " the inde- 
pendent sea-board power of Pegu or the comparatively land- 
locked kingdom of Ava was most likely to have first received the 
missionaries of Buddhism/' The Tenasserim Provinces had 
yielded no actual surplus revenue to British India. They had, on 
the contrary, cost us a few thousands a year. And why ? Because 
at the close of the last war we occupied a country which could 
never be made to pay its expenses. We occupied this and the 
swamps of Arakan, while the once glorious kingdom of Pegu 
stretched out its arms to receive us ! The Tenasserim Pro- 
vinces had never paid their expenses ; but, says an authority, 
taking his own view of the annexation question, '' This is no 
reason why the rich province of Pegu, with its inexhaustible 
forests of teak, its fertile soil, its noble rivers, its mineral re- 
sources, and its industrious population, should not, under the 
impulse of improvement — which we shall not fail to impart to 
it — more than cover the whole expense of its occupation. Nor 
must we forget that we secure, at the same time, four or five 
millions of consumers of our manufactures — that is, according 
to the extent of territory we may appropriate — and open new 
marts of commerce."' Rangoon, at no very distant period, 
would become the Liverpool or Glasgow of further India. Im- 
mense trafiic would naturally crown such an admirable com- 
mercial position, and the woods, grain, oils and minerals of 
Pegu, with its various other commodities, would be diffused 
throughout the civilised world. 

And why should not this be brought about? The entire 
people of Southern Burma were seeking our rule ; Rangoon and 
Ivemmendine were filled with inhabitants ; and the Peguese, 
according to General Godwin, '' decidedly and ever our frieudsj"^ 



172 OtTR BtJiiMESE WARS. 

what could we seek more? Or^ it may be better to say, wbat 
could we wish more, after we had invested aud occupied Prome 
by British troops ? Such a consummation was, doubtless, near 
at hand. " From Prome to the Aeng Pass on one side/" wrote 
an authority, " and to Martaban, taking the Sittang river as 
the boundary on the other, would give us the whole sea-board, 
and Pegu in its integrity, whilst it would still leave a noble 
territory to the Court of Ava, larger than, for the interests of 
the people, it ought to possess/' So much confidence General 
Godwin appeared to have in the Peguese, that he once said 
at Rangoon, ''if he bad the authority to promise annexation, he 
would levy a militia of these fellows, and go with them and a 
portion of our force, to Prome at once/" 

The " Phlegethon," under Captain Niblett, took a trip to 
Donabew in May. No fortifications were found there, merely 
the town, and the remains of the work destroyed in the last 
war. 

The General, Bandoola, whose name has appeared while nar- 
rating the temporary capture of Prome by Commander Tarle- 
ton, was the son of our gallant and determined enemy during 
the last war, who said, not long before his death at Donabew, 
that the English did not know how to fight ! The report for 
some time had been rife at Rangoon that Bandoola junior was 
coming down to make a grand stand. He had forty thou- 
sand of the King of Ava"s chosen troops with him, goodly 
men and true. 

Probably the Golden Foot thought that the name of Ban- 
doola would act like magic on the people. Such is well enough 
in Europe, perhaps, but it will not do in Asiatic countries. 
The master-mind was wanting. Bandoola proved himself, on 
the occasion referred to, to be a disgrace to his father's name ; 
he fled bodily, probably to drown his misfortune in dissipation, 
to which, report said, the would-be Bandoola the Great was 
very much addicted. 

Great Britain in the East — particularly at this time — appeared 



PEGU. 173 

to be working out a grand destiny. Providence seemed to have 
ordained that she should "^ go forth conquering and to con- 
quer." To advance is life — to retire is death. Such assurances 
ably cheer the onward march of civilisation. 

To review the affairs of a mighty Grovernment there must be 
no prejudice^ no party feelings of revenge ; there must be am- 
plitude of comprehension and an intimate acquaintance with the 
subject. Without these, a fair and candid judgment can never 
be passed on civil or military affairs. Thoughts like these were 
apt to crowd upon the mind at a time when India was about to 
occupy a greater share of public attention than ever ; at a time 
when a natural desire existed among so many that justice might 
be done to India, and to the Honourable East India Company. 
It was highly pleasing to read the speech delivered by the First 
Minister of the Crown (the Earl of Derby) on Friday, the 2nd 
of April. Justice was then done to the Company, which, " from 
an humble origin, established in a comparatively short period,, 
the mightiest empire under the sun, redeeming any errors of 
rapacity and lust in its early stages by the wise government 
and enlightened humanity by which, in later times, it had 
achieved a dominion absolute and uncontrolled, whether by 
the direct exercise of its authority, or by an influence not less 
absolute than actual authority, over a district of country ex- 
tending from Cape Comorin on the south, to the borders of 
Burma, of Cashmere, Cabul, and Afghanistan on the north, 
and embracing, I think, something like 28° of latitude (cheers) ; 
a vast district inhabited by a population which I believe I am 
within the mark when I set down at 150,000,000 exer- 
cising its authority over a population of various races, and of 
various religions, who have been often in hostility to each other, 
but who now, conquerors and conquered, agree to submit to 
the jurisdiction of a comparatively small body of Europeans ; 
a Company which has secured its power, not so much by the 
sword as by the wisdom of its councillors ; which has seen suc- 
cumb to it^ one after another, the mightiest monarchies of 



174 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

India, and -whicli, without any attempt at conquest— nay, 
contrary to its wish — has seen the populations of those monar- 
chies gradually freeing themselves, under the protection of its 
authority. It was not less extraordinary that this vast empire 
should be maintained by an army of 285,000 men, composed 
mainly of natives, every variety of religion and grades, equally 
loyal to their conquerors. It was a task of magnitude to 
investigate the machinery by which this great territory was 
superintended.''^ 

With reference, again, to the grand question, whether Prome, 
or Amarapiira, would be on the northern boundary of our grasp, 
a highly intelligent officer wrote, " Why, here is a country, the 
conquest of which would cost comparatively a small outlay of 
men and money, of much greater value to us than the Punjab, 
as a maritime and commercial people, from its geographical 
superiority and advantages, to say nothing of its productions 
which are of the most remarkable kind.'''' Thus was the matter 
looked upon in the light of a commercial necessity. 

Some talked of Ava and Prome making '' convenient appen- 
dages ^^ to Calcutta, '^'^ rounding off"^ our possessions in the 
East. And once having moved inland, it would be difficult to 
stop short of the Sea of China.* " No fear of our Empire,^' 
said a bold son of Progress, '' falling to pieces from its own 
size, were it extended from the Caspian to the Wall of China, 
so long as the country is rich enough to meet its own charges, 
and is possessed of a defensible frontier." 

Including Arakan, the Burmese Empire was stated, many 
years ago, to contain seventeen millions of souls. t The popu- 



* " The peninsular is scarcely a thousand miles across, and is penetrated by- 
noble rivers, from north to south and from east to west — and we could advance 
from both shores were we so inclined." 

t Colonel Symes estimated the total number at seventeen millions, while 
Captain Cox, who succeeded him as ambassador, does not go beyond eight 
millions; but from subsequent information collected by Captain Canning, there 
was reason to believe that even this last number greatly exceeded the truth. 
In 1809 the country appeared half depopulated. 



LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 175 

lation has since very much decreased. Should we become 
eveutually possessed of the inheritance of the House of Alom- 
praj the Indian Government would exercise authority over 
little less than one-fifth of the whole human family ! 

On Tuesday^ the 27th of July^ the Governor- General of 
India arrived at Rangoon, in 'the Company's steam-frigate 
" Feroze/-' 

Welcome intelligence^ at the same time, came from England 
that the fall of Rangoon and Martaban had drawn forth a 
feeling of unqualified admiration of the skill and courage of 
our troops. Soon after his arrival in the river. General God- 
win and Commodore Lambert paid Lord Dalhousie a visit. 
The weather was by no means auspicious for such an important 
event as the arrival of the head of the IndianGovernment on these 
shores. The day was rainy, and dark, and dreary-looking, as if it 
were determined to repel the message of light to Burma. But, 
as usual at this season, it cleared up in the afternoon; and 
everything around seemed bright and beautiful. Next morn- 
ing there was a grand parade, in honour of the Governor- 
General; the time he had appointed for landing was 7 o'clock. 
Punctual, as usual, the noble Marquis landed; and, entering 
the stockade, passed through the street, lined with troops, to 
the south gate of the Great Pagoda. H. M.'s 18th Royal Irish 
furnished the guard of honour below, and the Artillery, of 
course, furnished its guard of honour'^ above, on the upper 
terrace. What with the various salutes — the shipping having 
thundered away in the river, and the Artillery on the upper 
terrace — and the general excitement, there was a temporary 
relief from our rather monotonous life at Rangoon. Music, 
too, welcome music, was now to be heard. The Governor- 
General was accompanied on his visit by Major Banks, acting 
as Military Secretary,t Mr. Charles Allen, Foreign Secretary, 

* Under Captain Cooke, Madras Artillery. 

t This gallant officer afterwards fell at the (Eesidency during the siege of 
Lucknow (1857). 



176 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

his Aides-de-camp^ Sir Edward Campbell^ Captain D^Oyley, 
and others. He was received, on reaching the base of the 
Great Pagoda, by Colonel Foord, the Artillery Commandant, 
who introduced Major Back and Brigade-Major Scott to his 
lordship. 

The illustrious party wandered round the Temple, of course 
wondering and admiring. " I am astonished how your men 
got in here, with such defences!^' remarked the Governor- 
General, who was also pleased to express his high approbation 
of the soldier-like appearance of the Artillery guard of honour. 
The quaint-looking houses of some of the officers, on the upper 
terrace, must have excited the attention of the strange party; 
nor could they have been less astonished at the bells, huge, 
and now dumb, monsters of sound ; they also enjoyed a splendid 
view of the country and river from the parapets. 

While the Govern or- General was residing at Rangoon, of 
course the curiosity of every one was excited to the utmost. 
What was going to be done ? Would there be now an imme- 
diate advance on Prome, to follow up the recent successful 
achievement? If so, immediate annexation would doubtless 
follow. 

On the arrival of reinforcements a force was to be sent 
through the Aeng Pass into the basin of the Irawady, to cut 
ofP all communication between Ava and Prome. A force would 
also proceed from Martaban up the Sittang river; and the 
principal force would start from Rangoon in the steamers. There 
would be no bullocks to destroy the efficiency of the Artillery, 
and delay the army in its onward progress. The rivers in 
October and November would have water sufficient for steamers 
of considerable size to proceed up with perfect safety. " There 
were steamers enough to take an army to Ava, without wetting 
the sole of a man's foot.^' Such lively remarks became current 
during the stay of the Governor- General at Rangoon. 

But, with regard to marching, no one could pretend to give 
an exact opinion as to the intentions of General Godwin. To 



LORD DALHOUSIE AT EANGOON. 177 

conquer a country thorouglily you must march through it ; 
there must be no rebels hanging on your rear. This is a 
general view of the custom of war. With a river possessing 
such capabilities as the Irawady^ much steaming^ however^ to 
save marching through an injurious and swampy soil^ one would 
imagine to have every chance of greatly facilitating the opera- 
tions, and of bringing the campaign to a brilliant and glorious 
termination. To use the steamers as much as possible may 
have been the intention of our gallant General. The " Pluto/^ 
in July, anchored off Prome, in eight fathoms water. Cox and 
Crawfurd both mention that the rise of the Irawady at Prome 
is from twenty to twenty-five feet, and that large vessels'^ have 
been built there. 

Our steamers gave us the entire command of the Irawady 
below Prome— ^^ in fact, of the whole of the Lower Provinces.^^ 
Steam would soon render Pegu truly British in character ; and, 
with its auxiliary, the Press, it might form the nucleus of 
civilisation in a new land, which would be sure to flourish 
under a wise and liberal Government. After holding a levee 
the Governor- General left Rangoon on Sunday, the 1st of 
August, much pleased with his visit. It was believed he waited 
instructions from England^ which could not be received before 
the end of September ; so, on the great question, we were left 
in the dark as much as ever. It was not decided on whether 
we should take the entire Burmese Empire, or simply unite the 
two disjointed provinces of Arakan and Maulmain, by annexing 
the intermediate delta of the Irawady. 

And now, to close this portion of our narrative, Rangoon 
was flourishing beyond all possibility of conception. In the 
first war Rangoon had but few tenants. It was peopled chiefly 
by the army and its followers. When we landed in April (1853) 
the town was almost deserted. The case soon became entirely 



* Of from three hundred to five hundred tons burthen. 

12 



178 OUR BURMESE V7ARS. 

changed; the people placed confidence in u», and rushed to 
seek our protection. This time it "was not probable that cun- 
ning Burmese diplomacy would be allowed to have a hand in 
the business. There would be no time for an interchange of 
civilities, or other " airy nothings." 

Looking with a sort of prophetic eye into coming events^ we 
remarked : — The Burmese are crafty; but the British are 
earnest in a good cause. There will be no Dr. Jonathan Price, 
excellent man as he was_, rushing backwards and forwards to 
Ava, bringing doubtful intelligence, as well as bad rupees, and 
only a portion of the treasure at a time. There will be no de- 
putations to the King, to present gifts of State. When we get 
to Prome, or beyond it, trifling must cease. There will be 
much business of vast importance to transact ; and there can 
be little doubt of its being transacted in a manner highly 
creditable to the Government of British India.* 

The following is Lord Dalhousie's concise and elegant fare- 
well gift to the force at Rangoon : — 

" The Major-Generalf commanding, has the highest gratifi- 
cation in publishing to the troops the following Genera] Order 
by the Most Noble the Governor-General of India : — 

" Rangoon, 1st August 1852. 

" The Most Noble the Governor- General of India cannot 
forego the opportunity which is afi'orded to him by his visit to 
Rangoon, J for again offering the combined force his most 
cordial acknowledgment of the valuable and distinguished 
services they have rendered here. The gratification which 



* It was said, that when reinforcements arrived from Bengal and Madras, 
General Godwin's army would number about eighteen thousand men. At no 
period of the war were there so many troops in Burma. 

f By a recent order, the Brevet Lieutenant- General was in several cases 
cancelled, and our gallant Commander was among them. 

J The next important visit to this rising commercial city in Chin-India was 
that of the much loved and afterwards lamented Earl of Mayo, in January 
1870, when Colonel Fytche was Chief Commissioner. 



LORD DALHOUSIB AT EANGOON. 179 

the Governor- G-eneral experiences in thus congratulating the 
force on its success in the fields is greatly enhanced by his 
being able to add the expression of his unqualified approbation 
of its conduct in quarters. 

" In every branch, whether Naval or Military, European or 
Native, the force has exhibited an orderly conduct and in- 
oflfensive demeanour towards the people of the country, and a 
spirit of sound discipline, which are as truly honourable to its 
character as the high distinction it has won in battle. 

"Whatever may be the future course of this service, what- 
ever may be the ultimate fate of this country, the Governor- 
General has the proud satisfaction of feeling that the people 
of Burma will hereafter associate with the presence of a British 
force among them no other recollections than those of its 
irresistible bravery in the field, of its order, forbearance, and 
obedience in the camp. 

" (By command) 
(Signed) "J.S.Banks, 

"Assistant Military Secretary 
to the Governor-General." 



The following account of Lord Dalhousie's reception of, and 
conversation with, the missionaries, from the graphic pen of 
Mr. Kincaid, is of too interesting a nature to be omitted from 
this narrative : — 

" Rangoon, Aug. 8, 1852. 

" In my last, I mentioned that Lord Dalhousie and suite 
were here. The day after his arrival one of his secretaries 
called on me and spent more than an hour, asking a great 
number of questions relative to the Government, &c. of Burma. 
On Saturday last, before he left, a line from one of his aides- 
de-camp informed me that the Governor- General would see me 
and my associates at 3 o^clock. I went accordingly with 
Mr. Vinton and Dr. Dawson. 

12 * 



180 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

"His lordship received us in the kindest manner^ and at 
once began conversing on Burman affairs in a way that in- 
dicated great familiarity with the subject. He inquired about 
the three races of Karens, Talaings, and Burmans, the pecu- 
liarities of each, the number of native Christians, whether the 
Government made no distinction between us and British sub- 
jects, whether I was acquainted with the present King, who 
were the leading spirits in the court of Ava, and what were 
the feelings of the people towards the English ? He asked my 
opinion of the late Viceroy, whether he came down with peace- 
ful or with hostile intentions. To this last I replied, ' Hostile, 
no doubt.^ 

" ' How, then,^ he inquired, ' do you account for the pacific 
tone of the King's letter to me ? ' 

" ' It was to blind Commodore Lambert, and give the Viceroy 
time to prepare for resistance.' " 

This interesting conversation, in its entirety, will be found 
in Mrs. Wyllie's work,* the eighth chapter of which — the 
" Annexation of Pegu '' — is a very interesting one, and which 
may with advantage be referred to. With regard to annexation 
and '' the well-being or otherwise of unborn millions depending 
very mucJi on his decision," Lord Dalhousie said, '^I feel it; 
those who have not the responsibility may act hastily. I have 

COME TO A DECISION AFTER LONG AND CAREFUL EXAMINATION.'' 

On taking leave, his lordship said to the missionaries — " We 
may meet again ! " 

And thus the great Pro-consul courteously and gracefully 
closed his first visit to E-angoon. 

* Th " GoBpel in Burma, 1859." 



181 



PART III 



FROM THE ADVANCE ON PEOME, TO THE 
ENTIRE CONQUEST OE PEGU. 



CHAPTEE I. 

THE ADVANCE ON PROME. — OAPTUEE AND OOOUPATTON 
OE PEGU. 

Few events in Indian military history gave rise to so many 
remarks^ grave^ gay^ lively^ and severe, as General Godwin^s 
advance on, and capture of, Prome. Some of the Indian 
journals almost exhausted their wit on the subject. That five 
octavo pages of a Gazette should have been occupied in de- 
tailing an engagement^ in which only one man was killed and 
a few woundedj was, in the opinion of one of them, quite dis- 
similar to the " Veni, vidi, vici" of the great Csesar. And 
again, the same writer held that Nelson's idea of having one 
day a Gazette " all to himself/'' was not " associated with such 
cheap results as the capture of Prome by the Army of Burma." 
It does certainly provoke a smile, while reading the graphic 
narratives by the Commodore and General, as set forth in their 



182 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

Despatches,* pondering over the naval and military exploits, 
and the grand result. But we are a strange people in this 
respect. Had there been in human life a large " butcher's 
bill,'' there would have been more praise and less wit bestowed 
on the operations; so, however brilliant the wit may be on 
such occasions, the expression of it certainly does not say 
much in favour of British humanity. Looking at this failing 
in a purely professional point of view, it appears absurd in the 
extreme ; since every one knows that it is the consummate art 
of war to do as much as possible with quickness, decision, 
and effect, at a small cost of life among the troops employed. 
Writing a few pages about doing the thing does not then 
become such a great crime after all ; and no doubt the General 
as well as the Commodore were perfectly satisfied on this 
point. 

Before briefly narrating the advance, with the view 'of giving 
a sort of continuous chain to the abstract of a separate narrative, 
a few events in August and September may be noted, with some 
remarks of general interest. 

Rangoon, Martaban,t and Bassein were now in our possession, 
to the infinite delight of the Peguese, or former lords of Burma. 
The Irawady, that noble highway, or rather grand artery of 
the country, was in our hands, which had enabled us for some 
time to cut ofi" the enemy's resources. 

The Bay of Bengal continued to keep up an animated scene, 
and its billows rolled fresher than ever, as if they shared the joy 
of the Irawady, while steamers and transports dashed across its 
blue waters with brave reinforcements for the " Army of Ava." 
Who could deny that such vigour was highly creditable to the 
Indian Government ? that such energy and such resources did 



* See Appendix No. Y., in " Pegu ; a Narrative." 

t For more information regarding the attack on Martaban, see "Pegu,' 
chap. ii. p. 7. 



BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. 183 

infinite honour to our Indian Empire, whicli, althougli not a 
century since Clive won Plassey, was now tlie wonder and ad- 
miration of the world. But in the face of this hard- won glory 
there were still some good people in England — among them 
those who loved above all things to make a public " show " 
— who, as the great advocates of Free Trade put it, saw or 
read of " nothing but growth/' and for the most part talked 
of " nothing but decay " ! 

Among those who looked back with pride to the day they 
entered the old Company's service, not the least important were 
the members of that army which, " originating in a few gunners' 
crews and factory guards, had, in the course of not quite two 
centuries, swollen to that gigantic and well-disciplined host 
known as the Company's Army."* 

This army had again sent forth a gallant portion of its 
sons on another grand enterprise, as pioneers to clear the way 
for justice and civilisation. 

In the middle of August, the 1st Madras Native Infantry, 
under Colonel Goldsworthy, reached Maulmain, as the garrison 
there was sadly in want of reinforcement. It was truly con- 
sidered that no little responsibility was attached to guarding a 
town, some three or four miles long, with cantonments, arsenal, 
and magazine. This important capital of the Tenasserim 
Provinces — so famous for its teak and timber tradef — is about 
thirty-seven miles from the sea. Martaban is on the right or 
north bank of the Salween river, nearly opposite Maulmain. 

We now return to Rangoon, where an attack was made, on 
the night of the 14th, on the quiet village of Puzendoun — 
lit., in Burmese, "the shrimp district" — ^under our very eyes. 
The chief object of attack was a house occupied by the ex- 
Governor of Pegu; and the attacking party consisted of fifty 



* " Begbie's Services of the Madras Artillery." 

t For capabilities of Maulmain as a building yard for men-of-war, see 
' Pegu," p. 30. 



184 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

Burmese soldiers. Of course^ their design was to carry him 
oS; but the enemy were vigorously repulsed^ the ex-Governor 
having fought bravely with his small band, defending himself 
in a manner,, although severely wounded, worthy of the best 
days of Pegu chivalry. 

The Burmese at Prome, it was afl&rmed, were now employed 
on an extensive stockade, or breastwork, in a commanding po- 
sition, beyond the fire of the steamers. From ten thousand to 
fifteen thousand men were reported to be in and about Prome. 
There were seven thousand at Pegu, with a large body of 
Cassay (Munnipoor) horse ; armed outposts between Pegu and 
Rangoon ; and a large force at Beling, near Martaban, Ava 
was said to be filled with guns ; and there were the two fierce 
brigades, headed by a Picton and an Uxbridge of the Burmese 
army, styled the Invulnerables and the Invincibles, who were 
certainly to cut aU the English to pieces ! The Burmese were 
not going to await attack ; but they determined to attack us 
when the rains abated. There were accounts from the steamers 
up the river that Bandoola with the various expelled Woons, 
or ex-Governors, remained at Prome. The Dalla Woon sent a 
communication to Commander Tarleton proposing a conference 
on the subject of the war. Tarleton replied, "that he had no 
power to entertain the subject, but that if the Dalla Woon 
was duly authorised, he would guarantee him safe conduct to 
Rangoon in one of the steamers. ^^ The Woon did not accede 
to this proposal, but wished to know whether, in the event of 
his communicating with the Commodore, we would remain 
below Prome till matters might be settled. This ruse was so 
transparent as to indicate but an indifferent opinion of our 
penetration. His Dalla Woonship was informed in reply that 
nothing short of a treaty of peace between the two nations 
would stay our proceedings. The Woon would not trust him- 
self to the mercy of the British General. At Ava his head 
would surely have gone for losing Dalla. But in such a case 
he should have been allowed to keep it on for his admirable 



BEFOEE THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. 185 

diplomacy and cunning ! However, the nation that produced 
Lord Palmerston could hardly have been defeated by the tact 
of a Burmese Woon. 

At the end of August^ war-steamers were despatched from 
Rangoon to Madras, to bring troops for the approaching cam- 
paign. The Commodore had utilised the little passenger-steamer 
^"^Fire Queen/' mounted her with some 12-pounders, and 
made a man-of-war of her. Captain Keighly, 49th Madras 
Native Infantry, and Mr. Chisholm — the former from Martaban 
and the latter from Maulmain — were also engaged in the pre- 
paration of a flotilla of boats for the conveyance of stores and 
baggage in the movement upwards. At Rangoon, too, the 
Artillery were usefully employed in attempting to effect a 
breach in a flank of the west face of the great stockade with 
two 24-pounders and two 8-inch howitzers, at ranges of from 
four hundred to six hundred yards. But it was found perfectly 
useless to attempt the breaching with such pieces in any reason- 
able time.* We carefully examined the construction of the dense, 
tough, timber wall, which, though lacking the beauty of a work 
issued from the hand of a Vauban or a Cormontaigne, never- 
theless had been raised on simply natural principles of sur- 
passing strength. With two hundred pounds of powder, or 
even with one hundred pounds, you can occasionally efi'ect a 
fair breach in a strong part of a stockade. Engineers and Ar- 
tillery are well acquainted with how to effect this often diffi- 
cult and sometimes dangerous operation. 

The boats of the Hon. Company's steam-frigate '' Zenobia ■" 
were now doing some useful service about thirty miles above 
Martaban, reconnoitring various positions preparatory to an 
advance. They were frequently fired on by the determined 
enemy. The boats returned early in September to Maulmain, 
officers and men hasdng suffered much from fatigue and ex- 



See " Pegu," p. 21. 



186 OUE BUEMESB WAES. 

posure. In this expedition, Mr. Bondville, with three hoats of 
the river police^ also joined, and gave great assistance. Eigh- 
teen canoes were captured in all. On the 1st of July the 
Queen had prorogued Parliament in person, when Her Majesty, 
for the first time in her reign, was pleased to allude to Burma. 
There had been " an interruption of friendly relations " with 
the King of Ava. The " promptness and vigour " of the 
Governor-General of India received " entire approbation " ; 
and the valour '' and discipline " of all " the naval and military 
forces, European and Indian," were causes of just satisfaction, 
having led to " signal successes," which, it was to be hoped, 
would lead '^ to an early and honourable peace." 

Our English Cicero, Lord Derby, had said in the House of 
Lords on the 5 th of April, with reference to the coming ope- 
rations, — " If these steps " (striking a blow against Rangoon 
and Martaban) "should not be sufficient before the rainy 
season to induce the Burmese authorities to tender their sub- 
mission and to enter into terms of peace, then it will be for the 
Governor- General to consider what steps it will be his duty 
to take in the arduous struggle which will be forced upon 
him."^ 

On the same date (1852), in the House of Lords, Lord Ellen- 
borough endeavoured to show that the Burmese war might 
prove " more serious than we contemplated." Is it not so 
with nearly every war engaged in by any nation ? The un- 
certainty of the issues of war is proverbial ; and none knew this 
better than the great Duke of Wellington, f " In the last war 
with Ava," said his lordship, " we employed no less than forty 
thousand men,^' but he doubted whether "in the end ten 
thousand were left fit for duty.'' But the noble Earl wisely 



* For a detailed account of the " Army of Aya," see " Pegu," chap. iv. 
p. 33. 

t See His Grace's remarks on the war at the end of this Abstract. 



BEFOEE THE ADVANCE ON PROME. 187 

admitted that we had undoubtedly " some advantages now we 
did not possess then/' 

Early in September we became aware that there was an 
" inadvertent omission," regarding the 9th Madras Native In- 
fantry, in General Godwin-'s despatch published after the capture 
of Bassein. When the orders for immediate landing were given, 
the gallant party of H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I. were followed in a 
boat from the "Moozuffer" {musdfir (Arabic), "traveller") carry- 
ing some seventy grenadier and D company men of the 9th 
Regiment. The soldiers and sepoys, say four hundred and 
thirty, were formed up close to the river^s edge, about eighty 
yards from the stockades which were manned by numbers of 
the enemy. No sooner had the " Hurrah ! " of the British 
soldiers, and the " Deen, deen ! "* of the Madras sepoys rent the 
air, than the Burmese became discomfited, and fled " like chaff 
before the wind." The original writer of this brave conduct 
of the 9th did not think our gallant General a master in the 
art of despatch writing, but asserted that our Chief had con- 
ducted the campaign hitherto " with a talent and energy worthy 
of a Soult." Whatever may have been said of the General's 
style, in conciseness of expression he was not to be excelled when 
he chose, as many officers who served with him wiU, doubtless, 
recollect. There was a good anecdote of him during the war, 
for the exact truth of which we will not vouch ; but his ex- 
pression, which makes the pith of it, is certainly true. Two 
rather " fast " medical functionaries arrived at Rangoon from 
Calcutta, at a time when, after the capture and during much 
cholera, medical aid was in great demand. It was reported that 
these two worthies were seldom sober. We were too busy for 
courts-martial in such cases ; but the following order soon ap- 
peared from the General. " The undermentioned pair " {" brace" 
some said) " of Chronic Inebriates wiU return to Calcutta forth- 



* Literally " the Faith," used by Muasulmana ; equivalent to calUng on 
Allah (God). 



188 . OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

forthwith^ per steamer^ and report themselves to the Town Major, 
Fort William/' 

It may interest some to learn that the transports, of about 
four or. five hundred tons, employed by the Government at Ran- 
goon as store-ships, or stationed with the army on the Irawady, 
were paid at the rate of eight or nine rupees (at par, 18s.) per 
ton per month. In China the transports received twelve 
rupees per ton. During the first Burmese war the enormous 
snm of twenty -five rupees was given. 

On the 5th of September news reached us that Bandoola 
was tired waiting at or near Prome, that he now intended to 
push on to Ava, where we must go if we wished to find him. 
The trick was not badly conceived, and deserved a better 
cause. 

On the 6th it was announced in General Orders that active 
operations would be resumed on the 18th. No more welcome 
intelligence could have been given to the troops ; for nothwith- 
standing some comforts now enjoyed at Rangoon, they all hoped 
to see more service, or to have change of scene and an active 
life. The GeneraPs order on resuming operations was very 
concise, entering carefully into every particular. The regi- 
ments to embark on service were H. M.'s 18th, 51st, and 80th, 
with the 9th and 35th Madras Native Infantry, and the 40th 
Bengal Native Infantry. 

There were two brigades, one under the command of Briga- 
dier Elliot, K.H., and the other under Brigadier Reignolds, C.B. 
Bengal and Madras Artillery, with the ever useful 8-inch 
howitzers, and a light field battery, also a detail of Engineers and 
Sappers, were to form a strong part of the force, now quite ready 
to go to Ava or Pekin at a moment's notice. The General 
hoped to embark the 2nd Division three weeks after the de- 
parture of the first. "^ 

* See "Pegu," p. 52. For remarks on Horse Artillery, see page 53. The 
C. Troop, Madras Horse Artillery, arrived at Rangoon on the 7th of September, 
under Major Burgoyne. 



BUEMESB COSTUME. 189 

We should have remarked that^ at the end of August^ Captain 
Shadwell_, of H. M/s steamer " Sphynx/^ proceeded up the 
river to relieve Commander Tarleton* in the command of the 
flotilla on the Irawady. And now there was a pleasing anec- 
dote of our fine old General to record. On first hearing of 
Captain Tarleton's dashing attack on Prome (already narrated) , 
the veteran lost his temper for the moment^, took ofi" his wig 
and threw it at his aide-de-camp (so the story ran)^ exclaiming^ 

" Dash it^ C , there^s that fellow Tarleton again ! he^s 

gone and taken the wind out of my sails ! " Such is the splendid 
emulation which, we trust, will ever exist in the Services while 
their members are fighting for their gracious Sovereign and for 
the glory of Old England ! 

We shall now try and entertain the general reader with a 
sketch of Burmese 

Costume. — A Burmese Feast. 

The long flowing robes, which give the females of India such 
a graceful and classical appearance, we look for in vain in 
Burma. 

The lower orders simply wear a sort of jacket, white or any 
other colour — open in front; at the base or near the centre 
of this garment, a robe, reaching nearly to the feet, is fixed 
or tucked in round the body, just covering the lower portion 
of the bosom. This robe is composed of two pieces sewn to- 
gether — ^the upper piece being of red cotton stufi', while the 
other is frequently of silk, or, if too poor to afford it, of some 
fantastically coloured substitute. The female petticoat is styled 
hta-mein. Small shoes, or sandals, are worn by the women, 
and these are extremely simple and primitive in construction. 
The wealthier females adorn themselves, but not so profusely 
as those of Hindustan, with jewellery. The poorer classes have 
the rose, jasmine, and other flowers of tne country to adorn 

* The present Sir J. W., K.C.B., wlio was a few years back a Lord of the 
Admiralty. 



190 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

their jetty tresses. Tlie men wear a rude cloth round the 
loinSj with a mushn ring of turband only, displaying economy 
in its strictest sense ; the higher classes wear the turband in 
full, flat and ungraceful in form, with a smart jacket and 
under toga,^ in part tucked in like the dress of the women ; shoes 
also, with a handsome dhaf complete the costume, which in 
some instances is striking enough. The nob of hair, and ears 
bored, also the pendent lobes, like Gautama, — the ears boasting 
for the sake of ornament an unfinished cheroot or piece of wax 
candle, to ensure the safety of which the holes in these valuable 
organs are carefally distended, — are held in considerable im- 
portance by the men of this country; nor do the fair sex 
neglect the wax candle ornament, and smoking appears with 
them to be a favourite pastime, as it is also with their children. . 
It was amusing one day to observe a fruit-woman, cheroot in 
mouth, attempting to bargain with an European soldier by 
means of sounds and signs perfectly unintelligible to him. 
Finding that she made no impression, she took up her basket, 
placed it on her head, and walked oflP, smoking as coolly as 
possible ! Sterne could have moralised on the picture. The 
Burmese children appear to be smart and intelligent. On one 
occasion, while lounging down the principal street of Rangoon, 
we took particular notice of two sharp-looking Burmese 
choker ahs,X seated by the roadside, each with his little table, 
and the pice counted out upon it, ready to change money for 
the passers by. These juvenile money-changers, as they sat, 
gave a rupee an occasional ring, tossing it with the air of men 
well up to their business ; they received one pice, or three pie 
— the fourth of an anna or of three halfpence — ^for changing a 
rupee. 



* The 'potso of the men — of bright silk or cotton — reaches from the waist 
to the ankles. 

+ The universal weapon of Burma. 
X Boys. 



A BUEMESB EBAST. 191 

We now turn to a Burmese feast wlien the upper terrace of 
the great pagoda was crowded with Phongyees, and people, 
chiefly from Kemraendine, in every variety and shade of cos- 
tume. By the base of a graceful banian curiosity — beside the 
old green walls of the building — sat two Phongyees, as usual in 
the fashion of Gautama. One of them was praying fervently 
in a moderate tone of voice, whilst the congregation, seated 
around, repeated what he said '^ at the conclusion of each 
prayer or sentence, bowing to the ground three times. The 
greater portion of the audience appeared to be women; but 
several old men were there — patriarchal looking fellows, with 
their long staves. At the same time all around Gautama^s 
Temple din and animation reigned to the utmost — gongs sound- 
ing, people talking, laughing, and praying. The sun, now 
beginning to shine from a bright blue sky, aided the fantastic 
beauty of the lively scene, causing also the sacred silvery posts 
to borrow beauty from its rays. Every colour for dress seemed 
to have been brought into operation. Some of the females, 
with Tartaric countenances not pleasant to look upon, wore 
elegant handkerchiefs or scarfs over the shoulder. Several of 
the small children were very fair in appearance, and were 
dressed in fancy style ; one with a green silk boddice, turband 
of yellow and red, and silver ornament on the foot. At the 
conclusion of the Phongyee's oration, large red-painted dishes 
were filled with the boiled rice, which, as offerings, in smaller 
plates, had been placed before him ; and a well-filled dish was 
set aside for each cluster of applicants, who immediately com- 



* " In Ceylon, upon sbme of the festivals, one priest reads from the original 
Pali, and another interprets in the Yernacnlar Singhalese ; but this method 
is not very frequently adopted. Whenever the name of Buddha is repeated 
by the officiating priest, the people call out simultaneously Sadhu ! which 
gives them a participation in the proceedrags, and prevents them from going 
to sleep." — " Calcutta Keview," No. xxxii., Art. "Eastern Monachism." 



192 OUR BUEMESB WAES. 

menced their morning meal in good earnest. The women 
rendered the rice palatable by means of mango-fish, chili, 
prawns, and other savoury ingredients, proving themselves not 
unskilled in gastronomical science ; added to this, tumblers of 
genuine glass, like our own, showed symptoms of coming civi- 
lisation ; and that with more speed than in the land of Vishnu 
and Siva which we have held for nearly one hundred years * 
And why is this ? simply because the people here are not 
fettered by caste, nor are they subject, as the Hindus are, to 
a vile priestly dominion ! Were it not so, the moral precepts 
of Buddhism could not be so much more pure and efficacious 
than those of Brahmanism. In Burma a woman is not her 
husband^s slave but his helpmate ; you could observe this even 
during the simple operation of an occasional feast. In the 
Great Pagoda, say the Phongyees, or gentlemen of the yellow 
robe, are deposited the hair and teeth of Gautama, in a large 
gold vessel : these relics of sanctity, of course, form a chief source 
of attraction to worshippers at this celebrated shrine. Ceylon 
is made sacred by the tooth of Buddha — the grand tusk, which is 
now under British protection. The mighty shrine of Jagannath, 
in Orissa, is said to contain the bone of Krishna ; and such is 
" hero-worship " in the East ! The intelligent reader is well 
able to compare it with that of the West. Without the aid of 
Carlyle, he will surely find a likeness. We shall conclude our 
observations on the feast by remarking that the Burmese and 
Takings of every class take off their shoes before entering on 
the upper terrace of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, and that the cir- 
cumference of the base of this temple is about five hundred 
yards. The height has been already given as three hundred 
and twenty-one feet.f With this splendid edifice upon it, also 
the smaller temples, the curious and beautiful trees, and the 



* Written in 1853. 

t See " Rangoon," p. 112 ; also plan and section. 



BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. 193 

nuinerous relics and emblems of religion, the upper terrace 
cannot fail to command, from every diligent and inquiring 
traveller, genuine admiration. 

A document was said to have been found at Meaday, intended 
as a report to the King of Ava, in which it was stated that more 
than one thousand Europeans were killed during the operations 
against Rangoon, " and that we set more than one thousand 
sentinels all round the camp to defend ourselves ! " One 
thousand sentinels, with earnest eyes, keeping watch around 
the Great Shwe Dagon ! — Heaven defend us ! 

Before the middle of September some two hundred boats 
were ready to assist in the transport to Prome. In every 
department activity reigned ; and it must have been no small 
satisfaction to our gallant General, while these preparations for 
an advance were being carried on, to know that the health of 
the troops at Rangoon was highly satisfactory — forming, in this 
instance, a remarkable contrast with gloomy, deadly, destructive 
1824. On the 13th, the " Sphynx " and " Moozuffer," each 
with a transport, arrived with Brigadier- General Steel, C.B.,"^ 
Brigadier McNeill (Madras Cavalry), and the whole of the 1st 
Madras Fusiliers, f under Lieutenant-Colonel (now General) 
Duke. On the 16th, the Artillery entertained General Godwin 
and Staff at dinner. The warm politicians at home, on festive 
occasions, never looked forward with more eagerness for a 
declaration of work in esse, in a political campaign, from the 
leading Minister, than did we on this social evening while ex- 
pecting some important information as to "coming events'' 
from our gallant and distinguished guest, the Chief of the 
Army in Burma. Our worthy Brigadier (Foord) proposed the 
health of the General, whom he hoped to hail, ere a few months 



* Afterwards General Sir S. W. Steel, K.C.B. 

t For remarks on this f amons corps, incorporated, like the Madras Artillery, 
in 1756, see " Pegu," p. 65. The 39th Regiment — Prirms in Indis — was then 
the only other complete European regiment in India. 

13 



194 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

had passed away, as " Conqueror of Ava." The Greneral rose. 
In the course of his speech he said : — " With regard to Ava " 
(now it may be Mandalay), " political as well as other reasons had 
urged the necessity of staying in position at Eangoon tiU the 
present time ; what had been already effected had been perhaps 
slow, but he was certain that it was sure. He hoped before six 
months were over to have the grand object of the expedition 
fully carried out. Without going to Ava no successful ul- 
timatum could be accomplished so as to produce a lasting 
peace." 

While the embarkation of the troops was going on, remarks 
like the following were current at Rangoon : — " The word 
annexation has only to be sounded, when the Peguers (and 
many Burmese resident among them) throughout the length 
and breadth of the land will rise as one man, and expel the 
Burmese soldiery and dacoits, and give peace and liberty to 
the oppressed ryots." 

Wild flowers are numerous in Burma in September. The 
great beauty of the creeping fern is very striking during this 
month, of which plant there is a great variety at Rangoon. 
The maidenhair, a beautiful fern, is seen in the crevices of old 
ruins and walls. A very rainy day, succeeded by a dry and 
very warm one, may give an idea of the nature of the weather, 
which seemed highly favourable to rapid vegetation. 

Through the astonishing energy of Major Fraser, of the 
Engineers, Grand Architect of Rangoon, and the labours of his 
assistants, a new city arose as if by magic. Ample shelter had 
been afforded to the troops, even while the reinforcements were 
gradually pouring in ; and now as the city emptied itself of a 
portion of its defenders, there were almost palaces for some, and 
houses for all, until another stream of life came in to stop the 
gap, as it were, among a social throng. 

On the 24th, the last detachment of H. M.'s 80th, also the 
head-quarters of the 35th Madras Native Infantry, with General 
Sir John Cheape (Bengal Engineers) and Staff, embarked 



THE ADVANCE ON PROME. 195 

in the " Phlegethon." Meanwhile another attack on the 
village of Puzendoun was expected ; so the surveying-brig 
"Krishna/^ with a party of marines and seamen from H.M.S. 
" Winchester/'' started to look after the creek. The ex- 
Governor of Pega was again the object of Burmese vengeance. 

The P. and O. Company^s splendid steamer " Oriental " was 
now at Kangoon_, and gave rise to not a few reflections. This 
fine vessel had^ at the commencement of her career^ carried 
poor Warburton^ of "The Crescent and the Cross/-' which made 
us think that a graphic pen like his would have had an excellent 
field for display in the land of the Golden Foot. Sir David 
Wilkie also^ the Scottish Teniers^ we believe died at Malta^ on 
board the " Oriental.'^ 

On the 25th, General Godwin and StaflF, with Brigadier 
Foord and the Artillery, embarked on board the " Proserpine/^ 
And now the whole of the 1st Division had gone from Ran- 
goon, and Brigadier- General Steel was left in command. 
Meanwhile there might be work to do in the southern portion 
of the delta of the Irawady. The General was well aware that 
before advancing with a force on Ava, if necessary, or even 
being able fairly to secure the province of Pegu, it would be 
necessary to clear the country up the Sittang river — say by 
taking a land column from Martaban to Sittang, thence to Shwe- 
gyeen, thence to the reported strong post of Toungoo, and 
next, perhaps, across the country to Prome. It might be politic 
for such a step to succeed the recapture of Pegu, the ancient 
kingdom's capital. 

With regard to the advance, the following letter was received 
from Prome, at Rangoon, about the middle of October : — 

" I have just sufficient time to give a detail of events as they 
occurred since leaving Rangoon. The voyage was marked by a 
few interruptions in our progress towards Prome. In the first 
place, the ' Fire Queen ' and ' Enterprise ' steamers grounded, 
thereby causing a detention of all the other steamers for three 
days. Again, there was the very melancholy event of the 

13 * 



196 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

Admirals deaths at the Island of ' Shouk Shay Khuue.' * It 
appears he had been taken ill on the night of the 5th ; the 
following day he became worse ; and he died on the afternoon 
of the 7th on board the ' Pluto/ which left for Rangoon on 
the morning of the 8th. From this island^ which is not more 
than ten miles from Prome^ we weighed and started^ in all 
eight steamers^ at daybreak on the morning of the 9th. In two 
hours we were under the hill fortifications of Prome^ which 
have a full command of the river. Fortunately only one shot 
was fired from the hill, on the second steamer sailing abreast of 
it. A few rounds of shell from the steamers soon silenced the 
enemy for a time; but on our advancing a short distance higher 
up the river, they fired on almost every steamer that passed, 
and annoyed us very much with jinjals and musketry. The 
two steamers in advance returned the firing with great pre- 
cision and efi'ect; in short, aU the steamers had a share in 
replying to the inefiectual firing of the Burmese. During the 
greater part of the day the steamers were alternately bombard- 
ing, for the purpose of landing the troops. In the afternoon, 
at 5 P.M. (rather late to commence operations inland), H. M.'s 
80th, the Sappers and Miners, and the Artillery landed, taking 
only two guns with us. Getting our guns ready took up a 
considerable time; so that while evening was closing upon us 
we had made but little progress. At length we were all busy 
in securing a resting position for the night. The 80th lost 
but one man, who was shot, and three were wounded that 
same evening. The following morning, with the 18th Royal 
Irish, and 35th Madras Native Infantry, we proceeded to the 
pagoda, where we expected a sharp contest ; but on our ar- 
rival at the steps we found the Burmese had fled, so we quickly 
ascended and took possession of the citadel. It is a similar 



* Also written " Sliouk Shay Khenee." The Admiral was in his 74ith year 
• — too advanced an age for active service in Burma. 



OCCUPATION OF PROME. 197 

one to the Shwe Dagon, but apparently of recent finish. The 
Artillery are located in the north steps, far superior to those 
of Rangoon. Since our occupation of Prome we have had no 
fighting ; but now and then we hear a few stray shots between 
our skirmishers and the Burmese. On the night of the 9th, 
one of the 80th soldiers, whilst at his post as sentry, between 
the hours of 1 and 2, was attacked by a few Burmese, who cut 
ofi" his head and left his body some distance from his post. 
The remains were not found until the relief went round. This 
happened actually within one hundred and fifty yards of where 
our guns were placed, at the north gate ; and two of our sen- 
tries were walking about at the time. It appears at this 
juncture, a few shots having been fired on the guard from an- 
other direction, the attention of the men was diverted, giving 
the Burmese ample time to accomplish their ends. They also 
carried away the sentry's musket and belts. Since this atro- 
cious murder was committed, double sentries have been planted. 
Just as I am writing, the bugle sounds for the ' assembly ' of 
the 18th Royal Irish, one of their picquets having been attacked 
a little way out by a body of Burmese. 

" The country seems to have been entirely deserted for some 
time, judging from the total absence of food of any sort being 
found ; not even a grain of rice ; and also from the overgrown 
state of vegetation. Even the roads and paths are all green 
and covered with long grass. No accidents have occurred to 
any of our men ; nor has there been any sickness, save a few 
trifling cases, since leaving Rangoon. The hospital, an old 
Poongi house, is situated within a few yards of the steps, and 
is very convenient. The General and Staff, I believe, return to 
Rangoon this evening on board the "■ Proserpine.^' Brigadier 
Foord, and his Brigade-Major, Captain Scott, also go. We are 
to await the arrival of the 2nd Division ; until then, nothing 
further is to be done.'' 

Intelligence of Admiral Austen-'s death reached Rangoon as 
early as the 8th of October. It is needless to say that it was 



198 OUE BUEMBSE WAES. 

received by the Naval and Military there with a feeling of 
sorrow. The gallant Admiral had been " changed into clay " ; 
but then he had died in harness,, while serving his country, 
with his flag flying ! Thus^ it was neatly remarked, " it is the 
pride of British sailors and soldiers to die ; and his memory 
will be honourably associated in history with the Second Bur- 
mese War/^ 

The "Vhito/' while reconnoitring off Prome, had been 
fired upon by " two guns well mounted on the crest of a hill, 
a few jinjals, and several hundred muskets." Then, in the 
town itself, there were supposed not to be more than five 
hundred Burmese troops, but numbers were said to be strongly 
posted a few miles distant inland, at Euthay-Mew. Major 
Brett had accompanied the Naval Commander-in-Chief to Prome. 

Just before the melancholy news of the AdmiraFs death 
arrived, the Artillery mess at Rangoon had the pleasure of 
entertaining the purser of one of Her Majesty's men-of-war — a 
fine old tar of the genuine old school, which is fast passing 
away, to make room, it is to be hoped, for a better. That very 
day he had completed forty-one years in the Boyal Navy. The 
Service was now as much changed, he said, from what it was 
on his entering it, as if it were altogether a Foreign Service. 
He was very severe on the " young gentlemen.'' The young 
gentlemen were too fine now-a-days. In his time, a tumbler 
between three or four, or a tin pot, or a bottle wanting the neck, 
sufiiced for a mess ; but now each must have his cut glass, and 
he did not know what else besides. He was a promoter of 
" progress " ; but, shaking his head as he pronounced the 
word, he could not help adhering to his opinion that the 
'' young gentlemen " were too precocious now-a-days. The 
Yankees were evidently no favourites with him ; and he con- 
sidered their expedition against Japan* as '^ sheer humbug." 

* Strange enough, in 1864 (July), we find a question in tlie British Senate 
about our sending troops to Japan. Thus, it would eeem, does destiny impel 
us onward ! 



OCCUPATION OP PROMB. 199 

Altogether^ there was the dry humour of the true British sailor 
about him which it will not be easy to forget. At this time 
also, as if by way of variety, the " MoozuflFer " and " Feroze " 
arrived from Calcutta with the greater portion of the Bengal 
Fusiliers. On the 9th, the " Sphynx. " came into port with the 
remainder. This distinguished corps had come from Meerut, 
and was under the command of Colonel Tudor. 

On the 12th of October the "Pluto" left for Bassein with 
the body of the Admiral, for whom minute-guns were fired the 
same day. The " Pluto " was to relieve the " Rattler,^^ which 
was ordered to proceed with the remains of the late Naval 
Commander in-Chief to Trincomallee. 

Three most useful river steamers had now arrived at Ran- 
goon, the " Lord "William Bentinck," the " Nerbudda,^^ and 
" Damooda." The former had been sent on the 5th to Pegu, 
" to see what the Burmese were about up there " ; she left 
well provided with ammunition. 

On the 6th the head-quarters and a detachment of Bengal 
Artillery, with about forty horses and numerous bullocks, and 
two light field- pieces, under Major Turton, embarked on board 
the steamers " Nerbudda " and " Damooda " for Prome. The 
subaltern officers who accompanied the light field battery were 
Lieutenants Willoughby, Dobbin, Ashe, and Lewes. 

Some high Burman chief, who had been under the zealous 
and indefatigable Captain Latter^s safe keeping, was now re- 
leased, leaving, it was said, " his two sons as hostages." It was 
likewise asserted, with what degree of truth it was impossible to 
say, that the King of Ava had promised the Peguese that if 
they would '^join in opposing and harassing us, and finally 
succeed in expelling us from the country, they should have a 
prince of their own to rule over them, and be again an inde- 
pendent nation ! " But these people seemed rather inclined to 
say — " We shall have the British to rule over us ! " As may 
be well imagined the Commissariat establishments had now 
sufficient work on their hands. It was pleasant enough to hear^ 



200 OUR BUEMESB WAES. 

at a time when poor Madras was considered to be sadly in 
the background, some experienced Bengal officers declaring 
there could be little doubt that in two most important items 
we did excel the Bengallis — in the Commissariat and in the 
Medical Subordinates. However, in the former Department, 
Major Budd, Captain Simpson,* and their officers, were wisely 
too much occupied with the service of the State to think of 
rivalry ; and there can be no doubt that in the face of many 
difficulties they did their work nobly in the Second Burmese 
War. Another company of Golundauze, under Captain Money, 
was now added to the Artillery.f On the 16th of October the 
General, StaflF, and Commodore reached Rangoon from Prome. 
Brigadier Foord, Captains Scott and Robertson, and Dr. M'Cosh 
also arrived. And now we began to glean some fresh intelligence 
about Prome, the city which had fallen with so little loss to 
our troops. The scenery on the Irawady is for the most part 
flat and uninteresting. No palm-trees, no banyans, to be seen ; 
but plantain trees numerous on the banks, with abundance of 
brushwood. It may here be remarked that the plantain fruit 
is as commonly used in Burma as the potato in England. 

Near the Panlang Creek the river is so narrow that two 
steamers can hardly pass abreast. On nearing Prome the sce- 
nery improves, becoming picturesque, and not unlike the Rhine. 
At the city itself the river is more that a mile broad. Yen- 
ben zeik, a pretty village, with richly- wooded hills, crested with 
pagodas, presents a beautiful distant view. Prome was described 
to us as boasting its few artificial as well as natural beauties, the 
wood-carving there especially being very fine. The golden 
pagoda likewise commanded its share of admiration. As at 
Rangoon, the Burmese had removed the old town from the 
beach, or rather from the bank of the river. Regarding the 



* Chief of the Bengal Commissariat. 

t-/rhe 5th Company, 9th BattaHon, Bengal Artillery. 



OOOUPATION OP PEOME. 201 

before-mentioned act of cutting ofl" the European sentry^s 
head, General Godwin had written to Bandoola, through Cap- 
tain Smith, the Burmese interpreter, protesting against the 
barbarous murder, and reminding the chief that on a treaty 
being concluded the act would be one of the first for which he 
should be called on to give an account. Although we imagine 
Bandoola had very little to say to the business, yet we believe 
that the General's excellent letter, which also remarked on the 
way in which we treated our prisoners, was not without a 
salutary effect. The four steamers* which had come down with 
the General and Commodore made the passage in forty-eight 
hours ; they were just thirteen days in going up, including the 
time lost by the " Fire Queen '' having stuck in her progress 
through the Irawady. The " Sesostris " now acted as a sort of 
troop and guard ship off Prome. The once noble war-steamer 
had of course been lightened considerably previous to her 
voyage up the river. Portions of the 2nd Division, including 
H. M.'s 51st, were now ordered to hold themselves in readiness 
to proceed to Prome at a moment^s notice. Rangoon became 
once more a scene of bustle and preparation. By the 22nd of 
October the intelligence was generally spread that the King 
of Ava had sent down for Bandoola to come into the royal 
presence. He was ordered to appear before the Golden 
Foot in the dress o£ a woman, having disgraced himself 
by losing his army in July. Bandoola would not go, as he 
feared the King, or perhaps the loss of his head more. The 
wily chief therefore thought it wise to leave his stockade at or 
near Euthay-Mew,t and come over to the English. He did 
so — delivered himself up to Sir John Cheape — and was now a 
prisoner on board the " Sesostris.-''' 



* The "Proserpine," " PUegetlioii," " Mahanuddy," and "Fire Queen." 
t Three thousand or four thousand men were reported to be at Euthay- 
Mew. 



202 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

On the 25tli the Burmese had a grand ceremony on the 
upper terrace of the Great Rangoon Pagoda, which consisted in 
putting up an immense orange -coloured cloth round the bell 
end of the vast exterior of Gautama-'s Temple. They likewise 
put one up round the smaller pagoda near it. These cloths are 
sometimes sent by people to the Phongyees from distant parts, 
as substitutes for attending the sacred feasts rnd meetings at 
Eangoon, where it is considered all such assemblies are of vast 
importance. 

On the following day there was another grand Gautamaic 
display, that of placing the drooping muslin pipe* encircled by 
orange-wreaths, in the foliage of the beautiful banian tree, in 
which it appeared to be blown about so gently as if simply 
intending to woo the air. To others must be left the pleasant 
task of informing the public on this ceremony, which, on the 
present occasion, was carried ^on during the striking of gongs 
and the clamour of a vast mixed Burmese assembly. f The 
pagoda at Prome, they say, is dedicated to the Hare ; by no 
means an unimportant dedication in the religion of Gautama. 
It may not interrupt in any very serious manner the chain of 
this narrative if we here remark, to satisfy the curiosity of 
those interested, that Gautama — the fourth or last Buddha — is 
supposed to have been a hare in one of his previous transmi- 
grations. A hare in Burmese is yon. Yong-meng signifies the 
Hare- Governor — that is in a measure among the Burmese the 
present ruler of the Universe. There are said to have been 
twenty-eight Buddhas originally in all ; twenty-three have ap- 
peared in diflPerent successive worlds previous to the present 
world ; of the remaining five four have appeared, the fifth is yet 
to come. The inferior celestial regions are said to be inhabited 



* Some of the Burmese style this Tan-hgun. Tan-hgun Being, according to 
Chase, means " flag-post." 

f After twelve or fifteen days the cloths and ornaments are removed from 
the temples, trees, and sacred posts. 



OCCUPATION OF PROME. 203 

by the Nats or Fairies. At Rangoou, if we recollect aright, 
Mr. Kincaid said there were about sixteen hells in the Budd- 
hist religion ; but the number varied. During a journey to 
Ava he had seen some very curious infernal resemblances en- 
graved on palm leaves. Time would not permit our waiting to 
hear the learned lecturer enter fully into his interesting subject, 
so we merely glean the following inform ation, — that the four 
states of suffering or punishment in general use are hell — 
transmigration into insects, reptiles, and fish — transmigration 
into animals — and the abode of the fallen Nats under the 
Mayenmo hill. Then, again, the worshippers of Gautama 
entertain the hope of being numbered among those who by 
some miraculous change have become " raised above the com- 
mon destinies, passions, and infirmities of human nature.^' The 
Pali word Niebban, already alluded to, means annihilation, 
or emancipation from all evil. By some it is believed to be a 
state of total annihilation, by others a state of perfect tranquil- 
lity and abstraction, like the quiet visage and demeanour of the 
vrooden or alabaster Gautama. And now, after all this mix- 
ture of sublimity and absurdity, many Burmese think that the 
greatest glory of the present Phya (god), the fourth Gautama, 
on the appearance of the last or maistree (chief) Buddha in- 
carnate, will be again to breathe in and assume the form of a 
hare ! Perhaps in these wild beliefs it is not too much to trace 
the origin of such a remark as that put by Shakspeare into the 
mouth of Ophelia : — '' They say the Owl was a baker's daughter; 
we know what we are, but know not what we may be.-"' 

The river steamers with any intelligence from Prome were 
always welcome to the quid nunc sojourners at Rangoon. At 
this time we learned that there had been several cases of cholera 
in the monastery at Prome, where the 80th had taken up their 
abode. A detachment of H. M.'s 51st had already left ; the 
remainder was now in orders to proceed on the 27th. A 
portion of 'the 40th Bengal Native Infantry had embarked for 
Prome ; and another portion of Major Reid's Horse Battery, 



204 OUE BUEMESB WAES. 

under Lieutenants Anderson and Fraser^ was about to leave 
Eangoon for that important scene of rendezvous. 

On the 26tli of October the 10th Bengal Native Infantry^ of 
the 2nd Bengal Brigade, arrived. The admirable state of disci- 
pline which, at a critical time, preparatory to crossing the Kala 
Panee — literally the dark water — distinguished this fine corps, 
was a subject of eulogium throughout Bengal. It was said that 
emissaries from certain malcontent corps in that Presidency 
had been trying to dissuade the 10th from crossing the water ; 
but like good soldiers they were true to the last to their 
honourable and liberal masters ; and the regiment arrived, after 
roughing it a little, in splendid condition at Eangoon. Colonel 
Dickenson, who had been appointed to command the 2nd 
Bengal Brigade, might well be proud of his corps, which now 
fell under the command of Major Welchman. No doubt the 
10th * wondered at the idea of, for one moment, a soldier not 
going where he was ordered. The chief fault, however, in 
the case of any native corps, did not lie with the Bengal sepoy 
but in the Bengal system. We certainly have ordered these 
matters better in Madras ; and there can be no question but 
that the Bengal sepoys should be enlisted to go anywhere and 
do anything according to the call of duty.f 

On the 27th it was announced that a chief recently captured 
was the adopted son of the late Rangoon governor. He said 
that his father would come in; but having fired upon our flag 
of truce he was afraid to do so. A female, described as the 
wife of the adopted, likewise appeared as a warlike Rosalind in 
inan-'s clothes. Gathering information from the Prome party 
was now not an unimportant occupation among the doings at 
Rangoon. We were not surprised to hear from one or more 
quarters that the General was annoyed at not having had a 



* Not a G-eneral Service Corps. 

f This was eventually well manifested by them in the call for Indian 
native troops during the late Russo-Turkish war. 



OOOUPATION OP PEOME. 205 

decisive action at Prome. It was natural also that he should 
have been irritated by the navy during its previous progress 
on the river, having, after procuring wood and provisions, left 
the friendly villagers to the mercy of the Burmese soldiery. 
The naval officers present on these occasions, of course, were 
not to blame; they simply obeyed orders, but they never 
should have been there. Immediately after Captain Tarleton-'s 
operations on the Irawady, which few will now look upon in 
their originally intended light, that of a surveying expedition, 
the naval force under Captain Shadwell — finding, as it must have 
done, that it could only afibrd very inadequate protection to 
the friendly population in the important towns and villages on 
the river^s banks — should have been withdrawn. Its presence 
only held out false hopes of protection to people who might 
have sought refuge elsewhere.* Some may therefore insist on 
the fact that the unsupported presence — ^there is no necessity 
to say advance— of the steam flotiUa on the Irawady was the 
cause of much misery to the friendly people of the country. 
It doubled Burmese vengeance against our allies. Had there 
been none of this naval meandering before the regular advance 
of the army in the steamers, the General might have found a 
determined and powerful enemy to resist his occupying a po- 
sition at Prome. A blow might then have been struck at the 
ancient city itself which might have annihilated the Burmese 
army, and at once have forced the Grolden Foot to any terms 
we might have chosen to dictate. Numbers of course will 
dissent from these opinions ; it is utterly impossible to argue 
on such a subject with satisfaction to all parties ; but there is 
one thing certain, that all concerned were interested in serving 
the State faithfully and well ! 



* The indefatigable exertions of Captain Shadwell, R.N., and of Major 
Brett, in defending Shouk Shay Khenee, with Her Majesty's allies, against 
numbers of Burmese, were worthy of the highest praise. 



206 OTJE BURMESE WAES. 

On the SOth of October tlie report of an attack by the 
Burmese on Henzada reached Rangoon. It was simply a 
" brush " with the enemy at that important position^ beside the 
junction of the Bassein river with the Irawady. Captain 
A. Becher^ of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry^ with only one 
company of his regiment^ highly distinguished himself on this 
occasion by his promptitude and gallantry in repelling the 
Burmese^ for which he received the thanks of General Godwin. 

By the end of the month nearly the whole of H. M.^s 51st 
and the 40th Bengal Native Infantry had embarked for Prome. 
On the arrival of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, either there 
or at minor posts on the river, the whole of the 2nd Division 
would have left Eangoon. On the 29th, H.M.S. "Hastings" 
had left for Madras, homeward bound. 

On the 1st of November a terrific explosion took place, which 
few will forget during their lives if they were at the time on 
the upper terrace of the Great Dagon Pagoda, — the discharge of 
heavy artillery, the rattling peals of thunder, will not describe 
it. It was like some demon inside the earth growling for a 
considerable length of time with a terrible power, certainly not 
of this world ; the noise wound up by the fury of Jupiter in fiill 
play, hurling about the bolts which Vulcan is reputed to have 
forged for Jove ! It turned out to be the explosion of a small 
magazine near the theatre, to the southward, where there were 
many boxes and barrels of ammunition and some powder. The 
explosion set fire to the temple of Thalia, which soon appeared 
in one huge and dangerous blaze.* The large magazine on the 
west was immediately occupied by men with buckets. Through 
the exertions of the troops this important building was saved ; 
if it had not been, few of us would have been left alive to tell 
the tale. The casualties amounted to three Burmese and two 
or three of the native lascars killed and wounded. Pieces of 



* TMs pleasant place of amusement, with all its excellent scenery, was 
entirely destroyed. 



THE DEATH OE WELLINGTON. .207 

wood^ fiery gun-wads, and musket balls,* were sent into the 
air with terrific force ; and an artillery European gunner, who 
was sentry over the upper magazine at the time, was lifted 
some feet off the ground ! A committee of three field officers 
assembled at the Artillery Mess-house to inquire into the 
cause of the explosion, and to "report on the extent of damage 
done; and the impression at length became general that it 
was accidental. 

Akouk-toung,t it was now said, had been occupied by the 
Burmese with two guns. On the 8th of November five dacoits 
were caught by the Thoogyee (Judge) of Dalla. One of them 
was described to be the leader of five hundred men of the 
King's army ; the titles given him by Eoyalty were engraved 
on palm leaves ; these were carried by his servant. 

On the 11th a company of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, 
and one from the Bengal Pusiliers were sent to Puzendoun 
and Dalla, respectively, as a guard to the friendly inhabitants 
in these near positions to B-angoon. Attacks by the Burmese 
had rendered such measures necessary. 

On the 12th, the melancholy news reached us of the death of 
Britain's greatest warrior — Wellington ! The " Times " was 
magnificent in its eulogium on the departed hero who had 

" EXHAUSTED NATUUE AND EXHAUSTED GLORY." But indeed all 

the leading journals seemed to vie with each other in doing 
honour to his memory. We do not believe that on any previous 
occasion so much graphic, elegant, and impressive writing had 
been poured forth by the Press. J 

The 4th Regiment of Local Sikh Infantry arrived on the 
12th at Rangoon. Major Armstrong's corps was regarded as 
quite a curiosity in Calcutta, and its appearance here was con- 

* Some of these actually came tkrough the thatch of the author's house, 
though some hundred yards away from, and about forty feet above, the maga- 
zine. 

t On the right bank of the river, some fifteen miles below Prome. 

X His Grace's valuable opinion on the Second Burmese War was probably 
the last given by the " Iron Duke " on the familiar subject of a campaign. 



208 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

sidered to be an event of no ordinary importance.* The 
Eamghur Cavalry also arrived. On the 15th news reached us 
from Prome that a force had proceeded to Akouk-toung, and 
had captured four guns. Another had landed at the stockade 
opposite Prome. The enemy were completely surprised by the 
tars and troops. Landing at different places, the gallant sailors 
and marines drove the Burmese into the hands of our soldiers, 
who made quick work of a large number of them, with little 
loss on our side. Upwards of ninety Burmese were said to 
have been killed. 

News of a sad nature from Prome informed us of the death 
of Captain Rundall of the Madras Engineers, commanding the 
corps of Madras Sappers and Miners in Burma. This excellent 
officer had served with distinction in the Chinese war. His 
gallantry on the field in Burma has already been alluded to 
in the second part of this Abstract. He was a zealous soldier, 
of high talent, and of the most exemplary character ; and he 
died in the prime of life beloved and regretted by all. In him 
another had been added to the list of worthy men who had 
fallen by a stronger hand than that of the enemy. 

It may be recollected by the reader of the former 
narrative that early in June 1853 a force of between two 
hundred and three hundred men, under Major Cotton, left 
Rangoon to attack the city of Pegu. The troops did their 
work in what may be called dashing style, while exposed to the 
fierce rays of a burning sun. The enemy were driven out, 
but did not suffer very great loss. It was then much to be 

* The following is an analysis of the men then composing the 4th Sikh 
Infantry : — 

" Sikhs 500 

Afghans 150 

Punjabees 100 

Goorkhas and Hindustanis . . 150 — 900." 
The Governor- General, it was said, had paid the Sikhs the high compliment 
of visiting them ; and the regiment had been furnished with percussion arms, 
which, at Rangoon, with the British bayonet, they seemed to carry with as 
much pride as the British soldier. 



CAPTUEE AND OCCUPATION OP PEGU. 209 

regretted that General Godwin could not afford troops for the 
permanent occupation of Pegu. The real capture and occupation 
were now to come. 

By the middle of November four river steamers were under 
orders for Pegu^ to convey a force consisting of three hundred 
of the Bengal Fusiliers^ three hundred of the Madras Fusiliers^ 
four hundred of the 5th Madras Native Infantry, with small 
detachments of Artillery and Sappers, and two guns. Brigadier 
McNeill of the 3nd Madras Brigade was appointed to command. 
The Bengal Fusiliers were under Colonel Tudor, the Madras 
under Major Hill, the 5th companies under Major Shubrick, 
and the Artillery under Captain Malloch of the Bengal army. 
The Sappers were under Lieutenants Shortland and Harris. 
General Godwin was to accompany the force, when it was to 
be expected with his accustomed energy he would superintend 
operations. The troops embarked on Friday morning, the 19th 
of November, at daybreak, and anchored the next day at sunset, 
a little below Pegu. In consequence of the shallowness of the 
river the steamers were not engaged. The force landed on the 
morning of Sunday the 21st, amidst a dense fog. The fatigue 
endured by the troops was very great, and the casualties in this 
gallant affair were considerable. The Grenadiers and Rifle 
companies of the 5th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain 
Wyndham, were on board the " Mahanuddy.-'^ The following 
notes may be selected as containing at least a faithful account 
of the capture and occupation of Pegu : — 

"My detachment (5th M. N. I.), all ranks included, was 
400 strong; 280 were with me in the foremost steamer, the 
' Bentinck/ the remainder with General Godwin in the ' Ma- 
hanuddy.-' At noon, on the 19th, we first sighted armed 
Burmese ; that night we were aground about seven miles below 
Pegu. I was requested to furnish strong picquets on the 
eastern bank for the protection of the steamers. Captains 
Watts and NichoUs were sent with their companies. I visited 
all the sentries, who were in a jungle so dense they could not 

14 



210 OUR BTJEMESE WARS. 

be seen at a distance of 20 yards one from the other. On 
the afternoon of this day I had accompanied Captains Lambert 
and Seymour^ E.N., who attended the expedition — the former 
in charge of all the gun-boats, the latter as an 'amateur' — and 
Captain Digby of the ' Bentinck/ in an armed cutter up the 
river, which we found staked, but of sufficient depth. We 
rowed till the noise of shouting from a vast multitude, about 
150 yards ahead of us, told us we were discovered. The town 
proved to be Pegu, and the people its inhabitants. I concluded 
those armed among them were not there, but at their respective 
posts awaiting the arrival of our force, of which the smoke of 
the steamers and the guns we had been compelled to fire had 
given them notice, for we were not interfered with. At 10 
P.M. our picquets were attacked, and a sharp fire poured upon 
them, which was as promptly returned. 

'' On the 20th, at daybreak, we advanced about a mile or so, 
the tide having fallen. I was requested to furnish companies 
on either bank, for the clearance of the jungle. Captain Watts 
and Lieutenant Whitlock performed this duty, aided by all 
spare hands from the steamer, and several men of H. M.'s ship 
'^Fox,'' under Mr. Daws, who all worked with right good will. 
In the course of the day we exchanged many shots with the 
Burmese, who, before and after the return of the working 
parties, came boldly down and delivered their fire on the 
steamer. At 5 p.m. the remaining steamers appeared in sight; 
we weighed and proceeded about two or three miles, and 
dropped anchor. I was again called on for a strong picquet — 
this time on the western bank — which I accompanied and 
placed in person, under Lieutenants Maud and Cloete. About 
7 P.M. General Godwin arrived, and directed me to have my 
detachment drawn up on the Pegu bank, at 6 a.m. the next 
morning. The Sappers also came with the Artillery, and 
remained on board for the night, the former under Captain 
Elliot, Bengal Engineers, being engaged for a couple of hours 
during the night scarping the bank for the easier ascent of the 



CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OF PEGU. 



211 



two 24-pounder howitzers the next morning. The river is 
very narrow where the landing took place, but the banks are 
very steep. The scene on board that nighty so crowded as we 
were by the new arrivals, beggars all description. 

"At 4 A.M. (November 21st) the 5th got under arms, and 
about a quarter to 5 the landing began. We were soon formed 
up, as ordered, occupying a grove of plantains. The Rifles 
and Grenadier companies shortly joined me ; and by 6 a.m. 
General Godwin in person came and gave me his orders ; they 
were, in the advance on Pegu, or any other movement which 
might take place, to keep up with the Madras Fusiliers, and 
not lose sight of them. Supposing the following to be a rougb 
sketch of Pegu, the position of the troops will be clearer to you : — 





9 














Pagoda 




^ 


Town of Pegu. 


on 












Platform. 






Tj 












'f^ 'i 


(D 












? 
s 


11 


1 


Town of Pegu. 
WaU If miles. 










«2 




Ditch. 


1 








South, 




'.".". 2 




M. F. i~ ~B. F. 5 






StliN.L 


M. F. Jungle. 






— ^ 


in line. 






; - i 


B.P. 




3 




in line, 






i — '^' 


Jungle. or column. 


Jungle. 






en? 


n 


Dt kno-s 


vn. 







1. Gateway. 2. Gun-boats. 

4. M. P. — Madras Fusiliers. 



3. ' Bentinck * and other steamers. 
5. B. F.— Bengal Fusiliers. 

14 * 



212 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

" At a quarter past 6 a.m. the firing began from tlie jungle, 
close round and about the troops. Four or tive casualties im- 
mediately occurred. General Grodwin, who was ever in the 
frontj was reconnoitring. The advance was first contemplated 
through the jungle, between the river and the wall, and the 
Bengal and Madras Fusiliers, feelers from both, were pushing 
in that direction ; but the severity of the fire proved the Bur- 
mese were there in a strong position, and a flank movement 
parallel with the south wall, and distant about one hundred and 
fifty yards from it, was begun and continued for nearly two 
miles through breast-high grass and a dense — most dense — 
jungle. Before the movement a working party, covered by the 
Rifles of the 5th, was sent forward to clear a track, and 
nobly they did their work, the whole force following as they 
best could, scattered here and there in single and double files 
over the whole way, a heavy fire pouring upon them for four 
hours and a half. The guns and Sappers, the former covered 
by the Grenadiers of the 5th, had been hurried meanwhile to 
the front. Advantage was taken, wherever it could be had, of 
a good bank to pour in volley after volley ; but of course the 
whole force was greatly scattered. The sun was fearful, and 
the fatigue very great. By the time General Godwin had ar- 
rived with the working party. Rifles, and hindmost portion of 
the Bengal Fusiliers opposite the gateway which was to be 
stormed, it was discovered that most were dead beat, and that 
some time must elapse before anything like proper columns 
could be formed. By dint of great exertions the best part of 
the Bengal, and about half of the Madras, Fusiliers were at 
last got together, allowed breathing time, — the Rifles forming 
a line of skirmishers in their front, — then nobly harangued by 
General Godwin, and, with a British cheer, let loose on the gate 
and the crumbling wall, the ditch here having little water in it. 
The fire while the columns were being formed was very severe, 
and opposite the gate and at the south-west portion of the wall, 
where the 5th were first formed up, was the' severest expe- 



CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OP PEGU. 213 

rienced. Captain Seymour, a gallant sailor (the amateur), was 
first of all the assailants, and conspicuous throughout the day. 
Passing the gateway, the storming parties drove the Burmese, 
now flying to the westward, fast before them, and then retrac- 
ing their steps, made as rapidly as they could for the pagoda, 
about a short mile distant. Here some volleys were ex- 
changed, and Pegu was in our possession. This was about 
noon. 

"All this time the 5th, that is the remaining portion of 
them, with the remaining half or so of the Madras Fusiliers, 
were returning the severe fire at extended order, as they best 
could, along the south face of the wall, but collected within 
three-fourths of a mile or so of the river, knowing nothing of 
what was going on ahead, the firing permitting no sounds 
of any kind to reach them. Once only a staff officer. Cap- 
tain Darroch, came down, and noticing the heaviness of the 
fire, directed me, in my flank march, not to lose sight of the 
possibility of the Burmese occupying the intervening space 
between the left of my line and the field hospital, which had 
been formed on the spot where the 5th landed. At noon, 
another staff officer came down and hurried the Madras Fusi- 
liers on my right, and the 5th, up to the pagoda. Our fire, 
doubtless, kept the Burmese from passing along the whole 
length of the south wall, as General Godwin moved in that 
direction, and in fact quite disconcerted their plans, for they 
were not prepared for an assault where it was made; and keep- 
ing up a steady and rapid fire, they were so held in check 
between the two points. The Rifle company had one officer 
wounded severely. Lieutenant Whitlock ; two privates killed, 
and five wounded ; the Grenadiers none. About the centre, 
between the south-west angle and the place of assault, the fire 
was far less severe at times, and in my remaining detachment 
I lost one officer ; Lieutenant Cloete severely wounded ; one 
havildar killed ; and two privates wounded.'^ 

By the 24th the General, with the greater portion of the 



214 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

troops, had returned to Rangoon, having left a force at Pegu 
under Major Hill. He was, on the whole, pleased with the 
gallant affair, though he had to lament the loss of several 
brave officers and men. About to storm the pagoda, our 
gallant Chief "nobly harangued the troops," in a practical 
style seldom surpassed. "Now," he said to the Fusiliers, 
" you are Bengallis, and you are Madrassis ; let us see who are 
the best men ! " A deafening cheer — a rush — and all was over ! 
Pegu had fallen ; but, we trusted, only to rise in greater beauty 
than ever ! Our loss was three officers wounded ; one. Lieu- 
tenant Cook, of the Commissariat, mortally ; and from thirty- 
five to forty of the men, Europeans and sepoys, were killed 
and wounded. Two or three officers were disabled by the sun, 
among them the worthy Brigadier, Malcolm M'^Neill.* They 
were fighting from 7 a.m. till 1 p.m. 

All zealous soldiers should, we thought, come to this country 
and learn what fatigue is, fighting with the enemy in ambush, 
under a Burmese sun ! Had there been carriage, it is highly 
probable that the General would have gone on to Sittang and 
Beling. 

Brigadier Elliott, commanding the 1st Madras Brigade, with 
Captain Manners and Lieutenant Pilmer, Staff, had now left 
for Prome. Intelligence had arrived at Rangoon of the death 
of Captain Gardner,* of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry, at 
Akoiik-toung. One story went that he was out patrolling — 
the "Enterprise" lying off Akouk-toung, high and dry the 
while — and going rather far into the jungle, he suddenly came 
upon a work of the enemy ; a jinjal was fired at him, and he 



* General Godwin bestowed his thanks on the following officers in his 
Despatch : — Brigadier M'Neill, Commander Shadwell, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Tudor, Majors Hill and Shubrick, Majors May hew and Boulderson, Captains 
Malloch, Brown, Hamilton, Darroch, Burne, Renaud, Latter, and Chads, A.D.C. 
The enemy was stated to have amounted to upwards of five thousand men. 

f Killed on the 19th November. 



WEIGHT OF ARTILLERY. 215 

fell, shot through the head; a havildar^ iii trying to recover 
the body^ was shot also. He was, we were informed, a son of 
the Honourable Lieutenant- General Gardner of the Royal Ar- 
tillery, and had just been appointed a brigade-major on the 
permanent establishment. He was a man of considerable 
ability, and his kindly disposition could not fail to strike one 
immediately on coming in contact with him. 

Sixteen iron 9-pounders having arrived, chiefly for the defence 
of the second terrace of the Great Pagoda^ Colonel Anstruther, 
with his usual practical knowledge and zeal in all matters re- 
lating to Artillery, — on the efficiency of which, there cannot be 
the shadow of a doubt, the security, offensive as well as defen- 
sive, of all nations chiefly depends, — allowed several officers to 
peruse an excellent paper he had written on the expediency of 
having all iron 9-pounder guns reamed out to 12-pounders, so 
as to throw a 12-pounder shot.* The 24-pounder was the 
favourite breaching gun in the Peninsula — at Badajoz and at 
St. Sebastian. But the weight of the iron 9-pounder reamed 
to a 12 is more than half the weight of a 24-pounder gun. 
Weight should be dispensed with on land service as much as 
possible. It is a terrible drawback, especially in such countries 
as Burma. With the Navy weight is of little or no consequence. 
Robins' rule — " the strength of iron is as the quantity of 
metal'"' — fully sanctions the general introduction of all 
9-pounders (iron) being reamed out to 12's. Again, Colonel 
Anstruther proved by experiment that a 12-pounder reamed 
up to an 18, with carronade windage, is superior to all 18- 
pounders now in use for land service. Those who uphold the 
use of weighty guns on land forget the vast amount of toil and 
trouble necessary to bring them along. Reaming, such as pro- 



* It must be kept in mind that these remarks were written a good many- 
years ago, before the improvements of Armstrong, Whitworth, and others 
astonished the world. 



216 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

posed^ improves the windage, and diminishes the weight of our 
Indian train. 

The country about Pegu was described to be in an unculti- 
vated state ; the Peguese had, on account of the war and its 
effects, neglected to till the ground."^ It seemed for the time 
as if a beautiful and fertile province were on the verge of 
ruin. 

Major Reid, with two guns of his horse battery, em- 
barked for Prome on the 26th of November. A company 
of the 9th Madras Native Infantry also left for Yangain- 
chainya. 

On the 27th we received intelligence that the chief who had 
so distinguished himself at Puzendoun had managed to destroy 
some three hundred or four hundred of the enemy who were 
escorting rice to various posts. This, with the fact of an 
attack having already been made on the newly captured city 
of Pegu, showed very plainly that there were some desperate 
characters about. The news of this latter affair was not unex- 
pected by many, and the receipt of it was considered to be of 
little importance. 

On the 6th of December poor Walter Cook was no more. 
A finer young officer than this (of the 22nd Madras Native 
Infantry) never stepped. The author had served with him in 
the field among the jungle regions of Orissa (in 1848), where 
his ardent temperament and zeal for the public service were 
conspicuous in a remarkable degree. 

Pegu had been attacked a second time by the Burmese, on 
which occasion it was said a large party of the enemy went to 
an old house where we had formerly lodged a picquet, and fired 
away for about two hours. The quarters had been vacated 
some days before this act of gallantry on their part ; some two 



* It is during the months of June, July and August, that the Burmese 
plough, sow, and harrow the gTound after their own fashion. 



A PEENOH ADVENTUEER. 217 

thousand people were said to have come into Pegu the next day 
seeking Major HilFs protection. 

It is now time to turn our entire attention for a while to 
this important quarter ; but it may be well to chronicle a few 
events before leaving Rangoon. The headquarters of Artillery 
left for Prome on the 9th of December. A French officer,* 
who had established himself as a favourite, appeared on the 
morning of packing up, and gave a few suggestions as an old 
campaigner. In June he had come over in the "Emperor^' 
from Calcutta, and was then said to have been employed by 
the Golden Foot. He struck not a few of us as being a sen- 
sible and well-spoken man. He had done everything and had 
been everywhere. He had served in the Brazils, in Africa, in 
Spain, and in Portugal. '^'^The Burmese,"" said the Adventurer, 
" were very brave behind a stockade or a breastwork, but they 
knew nothing of regular warfare." He had a particular horror 
at Royalist France being turned into the country of a repablic. 
General Godwin now cared little about what the French officer 
did, although he considered himself on parole and under sur- 
veillance. But things were very different in June, when it was 
thought necessary to send the " Fire Queen " and " Berenice," 
on her voyage from Calcutta, to bring the "Emperor" in 
sight of the Commodore, and our Adventurer before the 
General. — The evening before the departure of the Prome 
party (8th) was saddened by the death of Brigadier M'Neill, 
already mentioned as having been disabled by the sun in the 
operations against Pegu. He never recovered from the fa- 
tigue and exposure attending the capture. He was of the 
old school, an excellent and gallant officer, and a great favourite 
in the army. 

On the afternoon of the 9th intelligence arrived that Pegu 



* D'Orgoni, afterwards the famous " general," of Ava celebrity. 



218 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

was surrounded or besieged. Two hundred Fusiliers and quan- 
tities of ammunition were ordered to be shipped immediately 
" To the rescue ! '' was the thought of every officer and soldier 
in Eangoon. 



219 



CHAPTER II. 

THE BURMESE INVESTMENT OP PEGU. — CRITICAL POSITION 
OF MAJOR HILL AND HIS TROOPS. SUMMARY OF MILI- 
TARY TRANSACTIONS. 

It seemed to be General Godwin^s policy to retain Pegu as a 
most important military position. He had won it after a 
rather severe conflict^ but yet the fact appeared to have escaped 
him that the Burmese set any great value upon it. Might 
there not be a combination among the hostile villages of the 
Sittang Valley to recapture it ? On the 22nd of November all 
the troops, with the exception of two hundred Madras Fusiliers 
under Major Hill, two hundred of the 5th Madras Native 
Infantry under Captain Wyndham, two guns, with a small de- 
tachment of European Artillery, and some Madras Sappers, were 
ordered to return to Rangoon. The news that a small garrison 
was left to defend the ancient fortress and all the inhabitants 
of the country who chose to come under our protection, was 
not long in reaching the Burmese camp. Perhaps at this time 
it was thought by the enemy that they could stand a defeat, but 
could not bear to be despised. It certainly does seem strange 
that our Military Commander did not calculate on a speedy 



220 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

attempt at recapture by the Burmese^ who knew tolerably well 
that on the General's return to Eangoon there was every 
chance of his proceeding as soon as possible to take the field 
at Prome. Rangoon was now in a position to have afforded a 
considerably greater military force at Pegu than what was left 
there. Very different was it from the month of Jime when 
the first capture took place. The plans of the campaign were 
then^ it appeared, in a slow and uncertain state of development_, 
and it was probably prudent at such a time not to draw away 
troops from our chief conquest. But now, through the un- 
ceasing exertions of the Engineers and Sappers, much had been 
done to the fortifications of Rangoon, and numerous pieces of 
ordnance had arrived to strengthen that noble fortress. Allow- 
ing for the absence o£ a division of the army at Prome, and 
troops elsewhere, some three hundred or four hundred men 
more, one hundred and fifty of these at least Europeans, could 
have been left with ease to garrison Pegu. 

As soon as the night of the 24th of November the enemy 
made an attack upon our gun-boats, but were immediately 
repulsed. Late in the evening of the 27th they made a most 
daring attack on all sides of the pagoda, but as the garrison 
turned out in a few minutes, they were at once vigorously 
repelled. The troops remained on the alert till morning, when 
on examining the ground several dead Burmese were seen. A 
most desperate attack had likewise been made upon the gun- 
boats in the river and the Commissariat Guard. 

About 8 o'clock on the morning of December 6th, the enemy 
— infantry and cavalry — surrounded the pagoda, and attacked us 
in great force. They continued to annoy us with jinjals and 
musketry all that day and during a great part of the night, 
and succeeded in driving off a large herd of the Pegu buffaloes. 

Erom the 7th till the 13th inclusive, the enemy, according 
to one of the besieged, were firing jinjals and musketry day 
and night. On the 11th two gun-boats arrived from Rangoon 
with stores and ammunition : but these were driven back after 



CRITICAL POSITION OF MAJOR HILL. 221 

losing several men.* The gallant beseiged were now doing 
their utmost^ animated during their unceasing toil with the 
hope of a speedy reinforcement. Major Hill had sent in three 
or four bold messengers to Rangoon. The foe seemed deter- 
mined to drive the small band from Pegu ; in addition to their 
rude iron and leaden balls^ small brass representations of 
Gautama, pieces of iron, necks of bottles, even stones, or 
round lumps of granite brought hither for the purpose, were 
fired on our troops from every quarter. Truly the position of 
Major Hill was at this time hardly less critical than that of the 
immortal Clive at the famous defence of Arcot. The Burmese 
had managed to bring a gun of considerable size into a com- 
manding position, which dealt forth several deadly missiles. 
According to another of the besieged, spent balls hit some one 
or other very frequently ; several of our men were thus wounded 
at night and not discovered till the morning. 

Before turning to the Eelief of Pegu, it may be well to give 
a summary of military transactions in November and December 
1852, and January 1853, at this bravely manned post. 

The sketch is from the manuscript notes of a distinguished 
officer present throughout this arduous service : — The besieging 
chief Moung-Kyouk-Loung^s entire force consisted of eleven 
thousand men, disposed as follows : — two thousand men at 



* See Appendix No. VIII., " Pegu," p. 469. On the 10th, Captain Shadwell 
proceeded with the war-boats to Pegu, also the " Nerbudda " with the Fusi- 
liers. Some seventy-five rounds per gun had been shipped on the evening of 
the 9th with the greatest speed, through the energy of Captains Voyle and 
Robertson. At 3 p.m. of December 11th, we received the disastrous intelligence 
that the boats under Captain Shadwell and the steamer had been compelled 
to return. The enemy being in vast numbers and more determined than ever, 
he wisely returned for reinforcements ; but not without the war-boats — con- 
taining also Captain Malloch and a small party of European Bengal Artillery- 
men — having had an affair with the Burmese, in which our loss was a sergeant 
and two men of the Artillery killed, and two or three wounded ; also several 
marines and sailors killed, and many wounded. It was a serious affair, and 
the whole required and received immediate attention. 



222 OUli BURMESE WAES. 

Shwe-gyeeiij ninety-seven miles north of Pegu; one thousand 
men at Sittang, thirty-two miles east of Pegu ; and eight thou- 
sand at Pegu,* which latter force opposed the British troops 
on the 21st of November 1852. In addition to the small body 
left to garrison the pagoda — which post was under the com- 
mand of Major W. Hill of the 1st Madras Fusiliers — to keep 
the river clear of the eneray^s boats passing by, two gun-boats 
were also left at Pegu under the command of Lieutenant Mason, 
R.N., of H.M.S. " Fox/' Each boat carried a 12-pounder 
howitzer and 12-pounder rockets. The boats were completely 
hidden from the pagoda by thick belts of bamboo jungle, 
which grew up to within one hundred yards of the great 
temple. 

General Godwin had left the once famous capital of an in- 
dependent kingdom, assured that no force would again assemble 
in that part of the province. So little did he think of the 
enemy daring to attack the garrison of Pegu, that he left a 
Peguese chief, by name Moung-Loung, with about fifty fol- 
lowers, to induce the families of the inhabitants to come in, 
settle themselves quietly in their houses, and re-people the then 
almost ruined and deserted city. But this glorious consum- 
mation was not in the order of things ; and, as has been seen, 
was not destined to be accomplished. It was too much, after 
losing the Shwe Dagon — the stronghold of Gautama — to lose 
also the Shwe-madoo Praw, which for so many centuries had 
towered in sublime magnificence to the skies. Some idea of 
what the troops had to defend may be gained from the fol- 
lowing particulars : — The pagoda stands upon three terraces ; 
the upper one contained the troops of the garrison and the 
commissariat stores ; the upper platform was nearly a square, 
each side of which measured from two hundred and ten to two 



* Under Moung-Gyee, tlie Commander-in-Cliief' s brother-in-law. 



DEFENCE OP THE SHWfe-MADOO PEAW. 223 

hundred and twenty yards.* A low brick wall, three feet high, 
had formerly enclosed the upper platform. The dilapidation of 
the walls was on every side apparent, and on the north-east 
and west sides scarcely any wall remained, but high reedy grass 
had sprung up — vegetation, as usual, rapid amid the scene of 
neglect and ruin. A range of low buildings ran along each 
face in a line with the walls, which no troops occupied. There 
-was a Phongyee house on each side, and adjoining the base of 
the pagoda itself. In these sanctuaries the officers were quar- 
tered, one only being reserved for a magazine. There were 
four large entrances on the top platform, open, and about 
thirty feet wide : to join these entrances from below there were 
between thirty and forty flights of steps. The second terrace 
was twelve feet below the upper, and extended about forty feet 
on all sides from the wall. There was then another descent of six 
feet, when a third terrace also ran about forty feet. The second 
and third terraces, respectively, were three hundred and twenty 
and four hundred and fifty yards in length on each side of the 
pagoda, t The high grass which had grown up all round 
prevented our posted sentries in many places from seeing each 
other. Those who are acquainted with Burmese warfare will 
readily understand how very much exposed our troops were 
to a sudden surprise, when Burmese are so skilful in preserving 
silence when creeping through grass to cut down sentries. 
There were a great many small pagodas on the east and west 
sides, a little way beyond the lower terrace. These were so 
dose to each other that on the east face, about one hundred 
and twenty yards ofi", they formed a complete wall forty yards 
in lengthy behind which the enemy were in perfect safety. 



* The terrace on wliicli tlie Shwe Dagon at Rangoon stands is nine hun- 
dred feet long and six hundred and eighty-five broad. 

t Each side of the base of the temple measures one hundred and sixty-two 
■feet. The shape is octagonal at the base. 



224 OUE BUEMBSB WARS. 

Numerous other pagodas were dotted about at distances from 
one hundred to six hundred yards, and these became formidable 
barricades when jinjals and matchlocks were fired from behind 
them. The remaining very important advantage on the side 
of the enemy was, that the north and east sides of the country 
being higher than the platform, caused every man to be ob- 
served passing to and fro. The gallant defenders, it will now 
be fully seen, were thus placed in a very critical position, with 
only four hundred and thirty-five men to defend what required 
at least one thousand two hundred to maintain, without haras- 
sing the soldiery. 

But, not at aU strange in this contrary world of ours, the 
very fact of a small band being left to garrison Pegu, this 
military blunder on the part of the General, was the means of 
achieving a decided political success. The prowess of the 
British arms was here displayed to its full extent, which must 
have struck terror into the hearts of the Burmese assailants, 
whose tale would run rapidly through the neighbouring hostile 
soldiery — all tending to bring about the conclusion of the 
war. 

Major Hill commenced his work of defence by barricading 
the upper platform. Three of the four large entrances to the 
pagoda were the first places to be looked to. The enemy were 
in the neighbourhood, and work became the order of the day. 
Parties from the Europeans and Natives were ordered out. 
The Peguese were employed in cutting down the high grass 
with their dhas, — their expertness in the use of which we fre- 
quently noticed. All seemed determined to render the citadel 
as strong as possible. Two brass 4-pounders and a3-pounder, 
captured on the 21st of November, were placed in position at 
the gateways, which were built up the whole breadth of the 
entrance with timbers, about twelve feet high, leaving just a 
sufficient opening for the gun. 

The following is a detailed account of the attack on the 
river-picquet and boats on the night of the 27th of November. 



ATTACK ON THE EIVER PICQUET AND BOATS. 225 

These did not escape the attention of the enemy ; for though 
we heard but a few shots in that direction whilst the pagoda was 
attacked^ yet as soon as they drew off from us they made a 
desperate assault in that quarter, and we could tell from the 
firing increasing at intervals more than at others, that the 
attacks were being resumed ; but the blue jackets, with their 
marine artillery, made such excellent use of their 13-pounder 
howitzers and rockets, that, with the support of the picquet on 
shore, they proved too strong for the Burmese. This was a 
very unequal contest. There were houses within thirty yards 
of where the picquet was posted, besides having brushwood all 
roundj which enabled the enemy to conceal themselves, whilst 
our men were exposed on the bank of the river. Lieutenant 
P. A. Brown of the Fusiliers commanded on this occasion. 
Having commissariat stores to protect^ that officer with his 
men had taken the precaution before dark to pile up the bags 
of rice, tobacco, barrels, and other articles which were lying 
about, so. as to have everything as compact as possible, and 
then make his post secure in case of an attack. Some of the 
bags caught fire during the night from the rockets, which en- 
couraged the enemy to approach nearer, when some of our men 
dashed forward, charged them, and compelled them to retire. 
After continued assaults had been made upon this little post, 
British blood, as it always does, proved too much for them, 
and they withdrew, leaving the picquet quiet for the rest of 
the night. On this, as on several other occasions during the 
war, the rocket practice of the boats' crews of Her Majesty's 
Navy was very good ; and the effect of such practice, added to 
the untiring efforts of the gallant infantry^ plainly showed what . 
a small body of men can do against a large number. It is on 
such outpost affairs generally that the sharpest firing is seen. 
General Godwin complimented Major Hill and his force for 
their steady gallantry in this dashing business, and he trusted 
that the severe lesson which had been given the enemy would 
teach the Burmese respect for our new position and the vigil- 

15 



226 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

ance of its garrison^ so as to prevent any future molestation ! 
The loss sustained in the boats was four seamen and one marine 
artilleryman wounded. Three men of the Fusiliers were 
wounded. Lieutenant Mason, R.N., narrowly escaped with his 
life, a shot having cut through his neck-tie. It was singular 
that our loss on the 27th was not greater, as the enemy 
attacked also from the other side of the river, which is about 
one hundred yards wide where the boats were in position. 

In consequence of the Burmese having attempted to escalade 
on three sides of the pagoda on the night of the 27th, Major 
Hill found it necessary to appoint a captain to command each 
face of the pagoda, with instructions that if any one face was 
pressed by the enemy, the captain on the side attacked was to 
concentrate his men at the given point of attack until support 
was given. This admirable arrangement gave a responsibility 
to the officer commanding each face, and enabled him to act 
on a sudden without waiting for orders. The commandants of 
faces appointed were Captains Stephenson and Nicolay of the 
Fusiliers, to the north and east faces respectively ; and Cap- 
tains Brown and Wyndham of the 5th Native Infantry, to the 
west and south. This plan allowed Major Hill to have a 
general supervision over the whole of the operations, and en- 
abled him to move about and give directions where his presence 
was most required. 

It was soon learned from the manner of this night attack by 
the Burmese, that they had regularly trained troops opposed 
to us. Chosen crafty ones had doubtless found their way from 
the ^' city of the immortals " to assist Moung-Kyouk-Loung ! 
Now our men might be seen climbing up the splendid pagoda 
to take a coup d'ail of the surrounding country, and then 
would appear a cluster of officers talking earnestly over the 
number of troops and the defences. Uncertainty hovered in 
the atmosphere. But this, with the British character, only 
tends to make the nerves firmer, and to raise expectation the 
higher. It is difficult to say what were the feelings of the de- 



INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 227 

tachment of the Native Infantry, They were ready, at a 
moment's warning, to fight or die by the side of British 
soldiers ! 

On the 29th, parties o£ the enemy were seen moving in 
various directions to the north of the pagoda; Cassay* horse- 
men were among them. Next were seen elephants moving 
about, bearing officers of rank, all apparently determined on 
another plan of attack. All this, of course, tended to increase 
the vigilance of the garrison. Major Hill very prudently with- 
drew the picquet of fifty men on the open bank of the river, a 
mile away from the pagoda ; and Lieutenant Mason, with his 
boats, was desired to repair to Rangoon. Upwards of forty men 
of the force were now sick in hospital, and the withdrawal of 
the river picquet brought additional aid for the defence. It 
was signally providential that the Burmese did not come on, 
for Moung-Loung, the Pegu chief, reported to Major Hill 
during the forenoon of the 1st of December, that a very large 
train of carts with Talaing families was then making its way 
to the southward, and that some of their goungs (chiefs) had 
come in advance to know whether they might claim protection 
from the garrison. At about 5 o^clock in the afternoon of the 
same day two hundred and sixteen carts, laden with the goods 
and chattels of two thousand persons, chiefly women and chil- 
dren, came in for protection. These poor creatures had taken 
refuge in the jungles, and had wandered about from place to 
place, with of course no settled residence while the royal 
troops remained in the province. '^Pity and protect the 
slave ! •'•' was never uttered by the swarthy African with more 
intense feeling than now marked the desires of those Asiatics — 
whose ancestors had had a king of their own to rule over them 

* " The Muniporeans, or people of Cassay in particular, abound in great 
numbers, and they are much prized as clever workmen. Owing to their 
superior skill in the management of the horse, the Burmese cavalry is 
almost exclusively composed of them; and they are distinguished by the 
national appellation of ' the Cassay Horse.' " — Major Snodgrass's " Narrative of 
the First Burmese War." 

15 * 



228 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

— as their eyes were directed to tlie British for protection ! 
The ground covered by their carts occupied several acres, for it 
must be recollected the Pegu carts and buflPaloes are of a pro- 
digious size. It was now a matter of anxiety to afford protec- 
tion to the families as well as to their property^ whilst they lay 
scattered about, and the enemy were nigh at hand. The infirm, 
as well as all the women and children, were allowed to remain 
on the upper platform of the pagoda during the night, while 
the others remained below to look after the cattle and goods. 
Reader, just picture to yourself the upper platform of the Pegu 
Pagoda ! It is night, and the troops are wearied after the pre- 
paration and arrangements of the day. Sleep for the weary 
watchers would fain " knit up the ravelled sleeve of care ! " 
Suddenly bursts forth the clamorous noise of children; the 
sentries cannot hear beyond the walls. There are sick chil- 
dren, and others wanting food ; and behold ! several officers, 
up a great portion of the night, feeding the weary and desti- 
tute with biscuit, to quiet the Peguese vociferation ! The help- 
less now feel assured that Gautama, through the influence of 
the fairies dwelling in the golden tee above, has sent guardian 
angels to protect them ! As this arrangement inconvenienced 
the troops, it only lasted three nights. Major Hill determined 
on destroying all the houses in the street below, as they could 
only give cover to the enemy; and orders were thereupon issued 
to stockade in the Peguese under the walls of the pagoda. 
This severe work was performed in a manner truly admirable 
— officers and men, every one assisting to fortify the oppressed, 
after their own national fashion ! There was the European 
working with almost gigantic strength, felling down many a 
noble tree, working with a right good will ; there the skilful 
and active sapper ; and there the sepoy, having stopped work 
for a time, grinning with a benevolent countenance ! The 
husbands of those we had to protect only a few miles off, and 
forced to fight against us, were little dreaming of British 
humanity being exercised towards their kindred under the 



INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 229 

walls of Pegu. The stockade, covering about two acres of 
ground, was soon done. The carts and buffaloes were all sys- 
tematically arranged, and took up their position in line and 
column in a manner quite worthy of the " Artillery Exercise .^^ 
All were stockaded in by nightfall. The women and children 
were placed in the carts nearest to the walls, so as to shelter 
them as much as possible from the shot. The men were sta- 
tioned in front, with their spears, matchlocks, and sharp dhas, 
to fight for their families — which they did, fearlessly and well. 
Dr. Beautfleur, the zealous surgeon in charge of the stockaded 
allies, had several severe cases brought to him for treatment. 
Spies had been loitering about; and on the morning of the 
5th, we could discover, from the elevations of the pagoda, that 
the movements of the enemy were more extensive than usual, 
and that they mustered in greater force. The Cassay horse- 
men did not now conceal their numbers from oui* view, and 
were seen galloping about in larger bodies. Towards the even- 
ing of that day faint sounds of firing were heard at intervals, 
as if from a long distance down the river. Night had set in, 
when a shot was fired from the jungle, which was immediately 
returned by the sentry who was fired at. Shortly before this it 
had been reported to Major Hill that a low sound of voices 
was heard, as of troops moving about in the jungle. Firing 
soon became the order of the night, and a discharge of canister 
from a 34-pounder howitzer, in the direction of the voices, 
roused every one into action. Before 9 o^ clock Major Hill was 
called away from the defences to two sepoys of the 5th Madras 
Native Infantry, who had hailed the picquet from the jungle — 
the south picquet — the sergeant of which had brought them 
in. Fortunately for these men, the firing, which was com- 
menced at the pagoda just before they arrived, was on the east 
face, whereas they came from the south.'^ Their object was to 



* Firing was kept up round the pagoda, and did not cease until after mid- 
night, when the moon rose. 



230 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

report the sad fate of a jemadar and his men, the former of 
whom, with three or four sepoys, while convoying supplies in 
a hoat from Eangoon, had been killed by the Burmese. 

The officers were sitting quietly at breakfast, discussing the 
deeds of night and morning, when the well-known cry of 
" Turn out ! " raised a stir among all hands ; at the same 
time the Burmese shout of attack was heard at the south-west 
angle of the pagoda. While the firing at the south-west angle 
summoned the men to the walls, a very singular and guerilla- 
like scene was exhibited. In an instant heights, mounds, and 
pagodas were crowned with men, who opened a sharp but ill- 
directed fire against our troops. The little curling smoke was 
now to be seen issuing from the place where was perched each 
wily matchlock -man; the sky was beautifully clear; every 
object came ^to view ; and the whole had the effect of a gor- 
geous panorama. It was soon discovered — from the Burmese 
balls coming among us from such elevated positions — that our 
enemies were likely to have the best of it. It was, however, 
highly ludicrous, in the midst of danger, to hear the men 
joking with each other as they brought down a man or two 
from the high pinnacle on which the Burmese had so proudly 
perched themselves. The surprise having failed, the enemy 
were no doubt astonished to find that the Peguese were 
sheltered in a well-made stockade ; there was the reality 
bristling up before their eyes ! It was now evident, from the 
enemy taking possession of the elevations, that they did not 
intend going away; and so decided an advantage did the 
heights give them of sweeping the platform with their shot, 
that nearly fifty rounds of ammunition per man were expended 
that day in keeping down their fire. To save life it was now 
requisite to barricade the pagoda as strongly as possible. Lieu- 
tenant Campbell, the officer of Engineers, had had no sand- 
bags supplied him to make a temporary defence ; it was, there- 
fore, necessary to apply to the Commissariat for all the empty 
bags and barrels they could give, and these being found inade- 



INVESTMENT OF PEGTT. 231 

qiiate_, bags of rice^ and barrels of pork and biscuit were also 
called for. As soon as it became dark the Sappers were set to 
work. At night gongs were heard in various parts of the 
jungle, as if the Burmese were assembling their troops. The 
firing was not so heavy during the night as it had been that 
day, still there was little cessation of it, while the working 
parties were heard about the walls. It was of importance to 
get the Peguese into military order in the event of an attack. 
Some two hundred and ninety had enrolled themselves as 
fighting men, but out of that number only fifty had muskets — 
our old flint-locks — while the remainder were armed with spears 
and swords. Major Hill visited the stockade, and, with the 
assistance of a Burmese interpreter, pointed out to Moung- 
Loung the way in which he wished his men to be disposed of 
should an assault take place. The men with fire-arms were 
placed at short distances between the spearmen, so as to give 
a greater appearance of strength in that particular arm ; a cer- 
tain number were told off as sentinels on duty, to be regularly 
relieved. The goungs were placed so as to give orders, and to 
overlook their own men. Major Hill visited the stockade of 
the allies every night, to give them confidence, and to see that 
they were all on the alert. To show how much our troops 
were exposed on the platform notwithstanding all that had been 
done, the officers* servants were obliged to erect some kind of 
protection for the beds of their masters and themselves when 
they lay down to rest. Several days and nights were passed 
without any cessation of firing. With all the fatigue of mind 
and body was excessive, particularly so with the indefatigable 
commander of the garrison. The chance of being able to eat 
one's dinner without being shot at seemed remote indeed. An 
officer of the Fusiliers received a severe contusion while seated 
at the mess -table ; several servants were wounded, and one was 
killed while waiting upon his master. A Peguer also received 
a mortal wound while at work inside the mess-house. On the 
8th the men began to feel the incessant work. Every man 



232 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

was daily on duty ten hours out of the twenty-four. The ex- 
posure and fatigue increasing, Major Hill at length deemed it 
absolutely necessary to inform General Godwin of the deter- 
mined nature of the enemy. All ammunition expended, we 
would then be compelled to evacuate the pagoda, and force a 
way back to Rangoon at the point of the bayonet. Four goodly 
men and true, for fifty rupees a head, came forth from Moung- 
Loung^s detachment and volunteered to carry a letter to General 
Godwin. Three copies were sent with the original, so that 
each man had his letter. The Major did not ask for any more 
men, but added, " All I want is ammunition." As soon as it 
was dark, the messengers started on their hazardous enterprise. 
There was a Burmese force on all sides of the pagoda of at 
least six thousand men, and had the carriers fallen into their 
hands, they would probably have been decapitated or crucified, 
according to Burmese custom. 

On the morning of the 12th the joyful sound of firing from 
British war-boats ran like an electric shock through the weary 
garrison. But despair soon followed, our forebodings were 
indeed verified, — the naval party had failed in their attempt to 
communicate with us. From the crowded state of the stockade, 
together with the cold damp nights and the scanty supply of 
food they had, cholera broke out among our Peguese allies. 
Fortunately, the scourge did not extend to the troops. The 
sudden withdrawal of the gun-boats, with relief so near at 
hand, quickly became the all-absorbing topic. But the assur- 
ance that General Godwin was now aware of our difficulties, 
served to rouse us to increased eff'ort. 

After this event the enemy ^s fire gradually ceased. Those 
only who have watched night after night can form an idea of 
how much a temporary calm is appreciated. But yet it is 
difficult to reconcile oneself to the change. On the present 
occasion the whistling of the bullets — the rattling of the boards 
— the speedy movement — the sound from a cluster of voices, — 
the want of all this seemed to create a vacancy in the state of 



INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 233 

affairs quite unintelligible ! The reply of " All right, sir ! " to 
the officers on duty passing along their beat, could not disturb 
well-earned repose. But in the morning, yelling from the 
Burmese — the firing of canister from our howitzers — and clear- 
ing the platform for action, soon destroyed the peaceful de- 
lusion. The Burmese having made a determined attempt to 
force their way into the Peguese stockade, came to a hand-to- 
hand contest with the allies, who received some severe wounds 
from spears and matchlocks ; and it was not until they 
tasted the cold steel from some of our Rifle sepoys that they 
drew off.* Another night had closed upon us, when again the 
welcome sound of a British gun was heard down the river. The 
Artillery officer reported his hearing guns ; he had also observed 
a rocket fired perpendicularly. Wellington's remark at Water- 
loo, " There goes old Blucher at last ! " could scarcely have been 
uttered with more heartfelt pleasure than " There's old Godwin 
at last ! " by the garrison of Pegu. 

At 11 o'clock on the morning of the 14th the first firing o£ 
General Godwin's relieving force was heard. As the troops 
were seen nearing the pagoda, cheering became general 
throughout the garrison, and continued until Lieutenant Elliott, 
who commanded the advanced guard, entered the small aper- 
ture — made as an embrasure for one of our small guns — on the 
eastern entrance of the pagoda. 

On the 4th of January, although no troops had been ob- 
served moving about, a sudden discharge of musketry issued 
from the opening of the jungle, which had been cut down. A 
12-pounder howitzer, loaded with canister, was ready pointed 
in the direction, to the north, where it was supposed the 



* The loss of the Burmese must have been very great, as they had not 
before ventured to cross a piece of clear ground. One man of immense 
stature was found dead, supposed to be a chief. The Peguese hung him up to 
a tree in triumph, but his body was cut down at sunset, and thrown into a dry 
well. 



234 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

enemy miglit appear, and it was discliarged witli tlie happiest 
effect. Firing now commenced, and at sunset the picquet was 
increased to one hundred Europeans and fifty sepoys. By that 
time several men had been wounded. 

On the 5th, 6th, and 7th, the working parties were increased 
and uprights were fixed in the ground, about ten feet from 
each other, and planks were nailed upon them, as being the 
most expeditious way of keeping the men out of sight of the 
enemy. Their attacks were now directed against the north 
face ; and notwithstanding our men had been for some time 
worried and fired on — in spit of shot flying about — the Euro- 
peans were quite observable outside, coolly nailing on the 
planks, while others sat on the top of the beams, assisting 
in the work, under a heavy fire all day. The Burmese must 
have set them down as at least possessing a charmed life ; but 
it was nothing more than British courage and working with a 
hearty good-will — qualities which had for nearly a century 
distinguished the Madras FusUiers. The picquet was obliged 
to act as a covering party to keep down the fire, otherwise we 
might have lost many men. The enemy had now taken up a 
position on the opposite bank of the river with the number of 
their force increased, and where an irregular brick building 
was turned into a battery by them. It has not been recorded 
that on the departure of General Godwin a stockade had been 
erected, according to his orders, at the landing-place on the 
bank of the river. The enemy's battery was about one hun- 
dred and twenty yards from this stockade, and was a great 
annoyance to it. The gun-boats, under Captain Tarleton, 
R.N., having been withdrawn, we could not cross the river to 
dislodge the enemy from the strong position they had taken up, 
who, finding that we had no boats, at length rendered the 
stockade, from its unfinished condition, almost untenable. Up 
to the 7th one captaia was mortally wounded (Captain Nicolay 
of the Fusiliers), one artilleryman was killed, and thirteen men 
were wounded. On the morning of the 8th, for some strange 



INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 235 

reason difficult to understand^ the enemy were seen from the 
heights of the pagoda marching in two confused columns, in 
full retreat. They went northward, and never again appeared 
to oppose us. And thus ended the protracted transactions at 
Pegu! 

In consequence of the '' very gallant and distinguished con- 
duct^-' of Major Hill throughout these stirring events, the 
Most Nohle the Govern or- General of India in Council bestowed 
upon him a special mark of favour.* Previous to this the 
thanks of the Supreme Government of India were sent him by 
General Godwin, as well as to the garrison under his orders, 
for the gallant defence of Pegu : — 

" Fort William, ^tJi January 1853. 

" 4<th. The Governor- General in Council requests that you 
wiU convey to Major Hill of the Madras Fusiliers, and to the 
officers and men under his command, the marked acknowledg- 
ments of the Government of India, for the bravery and steadi- 
ness with which they met and repulsed the continuous and 
harassing attacks of a large body of the enemy for many days, 
before reinforcements arrived at Pegu.'^ 



* Command of the Gwalior Contingent, witli abont 2,000 Ea. a month. We 
had the pleasure of reading the courteous letter from Lord Dalhousie by which 
this noble gift was conveyed. 



236 OUR BURMESE WARS. 



CHAPTER III.* 

RELIEF OF PEGU, AND OTHER OPERATIONS. THE 

PROCLAMATION. 

The most energetic measures were now taken at Rangoon by 
G-eneral Godwin to answer with all possible speed tbe needy- 
call for relief which came from the Pegu garrison. Eangoon 
had not been in such a state of excitement since its capture by 
the British in April. Had the tide of fortune at length turned 
against us ? Had the mine of Burmese vengeance at length been 
sprung, to tell us that the dynasty of Alompra was not yet in 
danger, and rouse us into action ? In any way a great event 
had taken place. The wonted energy of our chief when any- 
thing like danger was to be encountered proved him to be the 
man for this emergency. But General Godwin unfortunately had 
much difficulty in providing transports for the troops for the 
relief of Pegu. Two hundred and fifty Madras Fusiliers under 
Captain Renaud had been obliged to return to Rangoon in con- 
sequence of the disabled state of the river steamer '^'Nerbudda/'' 



* A melancholy interest is attached to this chapter, it being chiefly written 
from notes furnished to the author by General Neill — the " avenging angel " of 
the great Sepoy mutiny — the hero who fell, in 1857, at Lucknow. 



BELIEF OF PEGU. 287 

in which they had embarked. These troops were transhipped to 
the '^ Mahanuddy/^ a vessel whose boilers had seen rather too 
much service. It was not, therefore, until both these steamers 
had been repaired that the head-quarters in the '' Nerbudda,^'' 
and the Madras Fusiliers in the " Mahanuddy," were enabled 
to leave Rangoon. At noon of the 12th of December both 
vessels steamed on until sunset, the " Nerbudda " leading. 
At daylight next morning, which was very foggy, all the boats 
conveying the other troops, under convoy of Captain Tarleton, 
R.N., proceeded with the " Nerbudda " up the river ; the other 
steamer was supposed to be following not far astern. They 
approached the village of Lomen Seedee as the mist was rising 
which was found, as expected, occupied by the enemy, and the 
river staked, abreast of it. We were quite prepared for the 
foe; guns loaded, and a party of twenty-five men on each 
paddle-box — the starboard furnished by the Madras, the lar- 
board by the Bengal Fusiliers. We had evidently taken the 
Burmese by surprise ; some of them were seen about the vil- 
lage, also a large party with some horsemen moving about on 
the plain. The left bank near where the steamer was anchored 
was an open plain; higher up and out of shot, stood the 
village. The troops were soon landed; and it was speedily 
determined to occupy the village, as affording shelter — it 
having been taken for granted that the enemy had retreated. 
The Bengal Fusiliers were, therefore, moved up to some of the 
nearest houses, when about twenty shots were fired into them 
from the high grass and jungle adjoining. One man was 
slightly wounded ; the Burmese escaped without either being 
seen or fired upon. The village was then occupied, the Madras 
Fusiliers being on picquet in advance. The "Mahanuddy^^ 
not having yet arrived with the remainder of the Fusiliers, the 
other steamer was therefore sent down to bring the men up. 
The day wore on, and there being no appearance of the steamer, 
arrangements were made to pass the night in the village, and 
picquets were thrown out ; but no attempt was made to drive 



238 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

the enemy further away^ or out of the village of Upper Seedee, 
about a mile distant. This village had on several occasions — 
particularly the last^ when the boats were obliged to retire — 
annoyed the navy considerably ; and the occupation of it might 
have been attended with little or no loss had its entrenchments 
been turned by a small party, and the enemy there, about three 
hundred or four hundred men, driven off, and perhaps inter- 
cepted. 

About midnight a volley was fired into some of the houses, 
by which one Bengal Fusilier was killed and another was 
mortally wounded ; a sailor was also mortally wounded. Irre- 
gular firing now commenced, and the sentries at other points 
of the line also giving the alarm, some firing — which was for- 
tunately put a stop to in time — -had nearly caused considerable 
confusion, to which the increasing consternation of the servants 
and few camp-followers would have materially added. Two 
hours after this disturbance the bamboo flooring of one of the 
houses occupied by the followers falling in, caused great 
alarm ; the troops of course, without inquiring into the cause, 
stood to their arms and behaved steadily. The steamer re- 
turned during the night with Captain Renaud's party, their 
detention having been caused by the " Mahanuddy " unfortu- 
nately grounding. The troops were landed early in the morn- 
ing, and by 7 A.M. the whole force advanced in the following 
order : — Two ship guns dragged by sailors of the Royal Navy, 
under Captain Shad well, R.N. ; two hundred and fifty Madras 
Fusiliers under Captain Renaud ; one hundred and fifty Bengal 
Fusiliers under Major Gerrard, and three hundred Sikhs under 
Major Armstrong, formed the advance of seven hundred men. 
General Godwin commanding, with Brigadier Dickenson. Two 
hundred of the 10th Bengal Native Infantry under Captain 
Monro ; four hundred and fifty Bengal Fusiliers under Colonel 
Tudor — six hundred and fifty men — formed the reserve 
under Brigadier-General Steel, C.B. The force moved off, 
marching away from the river so as to avoid Seedee; and on 



RELIEF OF PEGU. 239 

nearing a small village came upon the high road leading to the 
south-west gateway of the mound or old wall round the an- 
cient city of Pegu. In the outskirts of the village about three 
hundred of the enemy were posted^ and on the plain about one 
hundred Cassay horse. On the approach of our advanced 
troops the enemy cheered and came on towards us^ their in- 
fantry flanked by their cavalry. Our skirmishers pushed on, 
answering their cheers; firing commenced, and the Burmese 
retired, the infantry into the jungle in our front, the cavalry 
keeping to the plain on our flank. As the head of the column 
Was entering the jungle near the south-west angle of the 
mound, a short halt took place ; the guides had evidently been 
leading the column in the wrong direction for that point. 
Counsel was now taken of an excellent guide in Captain 
Renaud^s service, who, having urgently represented that the 
defences at the west point were particularly strong — as was 
subsequently seen — and that the proper way, which he offered 
to show, was by the east side, he was at once directed to lead 
the column. The force continued its march, and after a very 
fatiguing morning's work, reached the gateway in the eastern 
bund."^ Here, the head of the column first came in contact 
with the enemy. Captain Renaud^s party quickly pushed over 
the bund. The Burmese came down through the jungle on the 
flanks of the column, and opened fire on the reserve ; their 
fire was speedily answered, and they were compelled to retire. 
All then pushed forward and got within the bund. Firing had, 
up to the time of the column entering the bund, been heard 
near the pagoda. Telescopes were now in requisition, but 
nothing could be seen of the garrison. A man was at last dis- 
covered on the pagoda; he was made out to be a Burmese 
soldier ; he was immediately afterwards declared to be a Madras 
lascar. General Godwin, who had been in a state of intense 



* An artificial mound of eartli. 



240 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

anxiety, -was at once relieved. The force now pushed on to fhe 
east gateway of the pagoda ; and it was not until a very short 
distance from it that we observed the garrison, and then learned 
that the line of bund and old pagodas from which it was com- 
manded, had been occupied by the Burmese until within a few 
minutes of our entering the fortress, that we had taken them 
in reverse,, and that had we been aware of it, by detaching a 
party to our right on entering the first bund, we might have 
cut many, if not all, off. The troops were now ^"^dead beat''"' ; 
and quietly rising with terrific glow, shone forth the fierce 
Burmese sun — than which the heat is nowhere more intense, 
except perhaps occasionally in China. Few out of the whole 
force were equal to more exertion during the heat of that day. 
It had been a long and fatiguing march, but not yet was there 
to be a rest of any duration. All the troops crowded into the 
pagoda and completely covered its area. Then commenced 
cordial greetings of welcome; tales of adventure experienced 
within the last few days; and the frequent remark of the 
soldier to his comrade on the careworn and fagged appear- 
ance of some of the relieved. The men were lying about 
taking their rest when, about 4 p.m., a fire was opened upon 
them from the old commanding ground which the enemy had 
again occupied ; in a few minutes several men were hit, and it 
became necessary to dislodge and drive them out of the defences 
along the river bank, and south and west faces of the bund. 
These services were performed in a very brilliant manner by 
the troops employed ; and this being the first time we had an 
opportunity of beholding the Sikhs acting by themselves, their 
progress was attentively observed. Nothing could have ex- 
ceeded their enthusiasm, and their forward propensities were 
beyond a doubt. They advanced steadily and coolly across a 
piece of open ground fully exposed to the fire of the Burmese, 
who, posted on the mound, were completely covered by the 
jungle; they pushed on, however, without answering the fire, 
and when sufi&ciently near, ran in on the enemy and gallantly 



BELIEF OF PEGU. 241 

drove them from their position. The same men whose bravery 
had given Lords Hardinge and Gough their peerages, who had 
proved themselves to be one of the most formidable foes the 
British ever had to encounter in India, were now nobly acting 
on our side in defence o£ order and a just government, nearly 
three thousand miles from the land of their birth, from the land 
where the pride of the Khalsa army but yesterday became 
mutinous, disorganised, and fallen ! The Bengal Fusiliers had 
been directed to clear the works to the south and west, which 
they soon did in an effective style, destroying the stockades 
and defences, out of which they expelled the enemy. All the 
troops returned after dusk to the pagoda, well tired out ; they 
slept under what cover they could get; many, being without 
great- coats, suffered much during the night from the cold damp 
and dew, which, no doubt, laid the foundation of much of the 
subsequent sickness and mortality. 

From what we saw of the Cassay horse, and the activity of 
the enemy in evading us on the plain, we all looked forward 
to the arrival of Colonel Sturt^s land column,* with a portion 
of Burgoyne^s Troop of Madras Horse Artillery, Sappers, E,am- 
ghur Cavalry, and 67th Bengal Native Infantry, feeling assured 
the mounted men would give a good account of the cunning 
Burmese soldiery on the plains over which they had to pass to 
reach Shwe-gyeen or Sittang ,• and more particularly on the fol- 
lowing morning, when the whole Burmese army of about nine 
thousand or ten thousand men were observed from the pagoda 
taking up a position and entrenching themselves on the plains 
about the village of KuUy, between four and five miles distant, 
on the Shwe-gyeen road. 

It was now but natural to believe that General Godwin would 
not venture an attack upon the enemy in such force without 
aid from the expected land column in the shape of cavalry and 
artillery. In the first place he could have no guns with him, 

* Of some seven hundred men, wliicli General Godwin had despatched to 
co-operate with his other force. 

16 



242 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

for he liad " no means of drawing them " ; and in the second, 
without cavalry, in any fortunate movement made by our in- 
fantry, he had not the means of following up and cutting off 
the enemy. But no doubt the General^s presence was urgently 
required at Prome. To him time was everything. He would 
not be content with the glorious achievement of having re- 
lieved Pegu, but he was determined also to free that garrison 
from the near position of the Burmese army ! It is difficult to 
say whether others, similarly situated, would not have been in- 
clined to act likewise ; but we think that the majority, under 
the circumstances, would have waited for the land column. As 
to time, there was Brigadier-G-eneral Steel, a distinguished 
Company's officer, who could have waited to disperse the 
enemy with effect, while the senior general was steaming to 
Rangoon or to Prome, ready to gain any amount of glory that 
might be in store for him. But it was ordained otherwise. 

On the 15th, orders were issued for the force to march on the 
following morning. During the day this was countermanded 
in consequence of the commissariat supplies not being brought 
up. The Burmese were still observed entrenching themselves 
about the village of KuUy, and showed no intention of retiring. 

On the 16th nothing was heard from Colonel Sturt''s column. 
According to orders issued on that day the force — composed of 
five hundred and seventy Bengal Fusiliers, one hundred and 
eighty-two 10th Bengal Native Infantry, three hundred and 
thirty Sikhs, one hundred and fifty Madras Fusiliers, and thirty 
Sappers ; total, one thousand two hundred and thirty men — 
was warned to be prepared to move on the following morning. 
The men were directed to carry their great-coats, and one day's 
cooked provisions in their haversacks. A memorandum was 
also required from the commandants of corps of the positive re- 
quirements of their men in the way of shirts and trowsers, with 
a view to their being procured from Rangoon ; men and officers 
having left Rangoon for this service with the least possible 
quantity of clothing. None of the officers had horses. Gene- 



EELIEE OP PEGU. 243 

rals Godwin and Steel excepted ; and the rations for the force 
were carried on in carts drawn by buflfaloes. 

The force moved out of the pagoda_, following Captain 
Latter's guides. We wound slowly through the jungle to the 
north of Pegu, and emerged on the plain about half-past 9 a.m. 
So little were the enemy expecting us that the garrison of 
Pegu saw from the pagoda their elephants feeding in the jungle 
near us, and had we been aware of it we might have captured 
them all. On our column reaching the plain signal guns were 
fired from the enemy's lines, evidently to collect their people. 
On reconnoitring their position, it appeared to be three lines 
of entrenchments, the right on the river, and extending across 
the Shw^-gyeen road, far into the plain ; on the left of the 
road, which was the centre of their position, ran a jungly 
nullah, which we subsequently found had been so spiked and 
entrenched that had we advanced by that route our loss would 
have been very considerable from a foe who outmarched us and 
fought under cover.^ General Godwin determined to turn the 
left of their position, and moved to the right. The Cassay 
horse approached and kept pace with our column, moving on 
our right flank. After the force had turned the left of the 
first line of entrenchments it was halted, and dispositions made 
for attacking in two columns ; one — the left — under General 
Steel, the other under General Godwin. The left column was 
soon in its place, impatiently waiting the signal to advance ; it 
was not given ; the enemy were seen moving in huge masses 
from their left, and it is the opinion of some that had the left 
column been permitted it could have cut them off. An aide- 
de-camp was sent off to General Godvrin to inform him of what 
was going on in front, and returned with an order that the 



* This is a grand difficulty we hare to contend with in Burmese warfare. 
Should, unfortunately, any rupture hereafter take place in this quarter, light 
guns and plenty of irregular cavalry will be an invaluable addition to European 
infantry ; also howitzers for boat service. — Note in 1864. 

16 « 



244 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

attack of the left column was not to take place, but was to 
stand firm and cover his flank when he attacked. At this 
order considerable disappointment was felt by the left column. 
General Steel rode back to join our Chief on the right ; and 
Major Seaton, of the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, and his men, had to 
remain inactive, seeing an enemy they could by a rapid dash 
get in among and severely punish, walk leisurely oflF, "When 
the advance by General Godwin at last took place, the 
enemy were in full retreat ; a few only remained on our front ; 
and although the attacking party, European and Native, more 
particularly the Sikhs, were exceedingly forward and energetic, 
our men were never able to approach sufficiently near to do 
the execution they would have done had they been permitted 
to attack at the proper time. While the column was thus 
baited, the Cassay horse on our right were emboldened to make 
a charge. They rode down with some spirit, but none of our 
infantry field officers being mounted they had. not sufficient 
command over their men, some of whom in the hurry and 
excitement fired too soon, and were followed by the rest of the 
line ; a few saddles only were emptied, and the Cassay horse 
got out of shot at the quickest possible pace. The Burmese 
retreated by the Shwe-gyeen road, and the column was halted 
in a tope of trees which had formed their head-quarters. After 
more than an bourns halt the men stood to their arms, and 
formed upon a road leading nearly west. Hopes were now 
entertained of again speedily beholding the enemy. Although 
not a vestige or trace of any number of men was observed 
along the road, yet on the repeated assurance of the guides the 
march in that direction unfortunately was persisted in, which 
ended in our reaching the village of Lephandoon before sunset. 
With the exception of a broken-down bufi'alo cart and an old 
woman — there are no patriots in Burma so staunch as the 
old women, come friend or foe — the post was found aban- 
doned. The old woman stated in a lively manner that the 
enemy had not been there that day. General Godwin, it is 



BELIEF OF PEGU. 245 

said, expressed his extreme displeasure at the conduct of the 
guides. Many now thought that instead of halting in the tope 
the enemy should have been at once followed up along the 
Shwe-gyeen road ; as the men had not marched far, and their 
blood was up, they could have kept up a hot pursuit for many 
miles, and perhaps, although unaided by cavalry, they would 
have captured some guns and baggage, also carts and other 
carriage, which we much required. The guides on this oc- 
casion seemed to have taken us off the proper line of pursuit, 
which was the more provoking when it was considered that 
they were under the charge of one who possessed a vast know- 
ledge of the Burmese language and character. 

For the night the force occupied the houses on the left bank 
of the river at Lephandoon, and after sunrise on the 18th 
moved off in a north-easterly direction. After proceeding some 
distance we came upon the Shwe-gyeen road, about two miles 
north of the tope where we had unfortunately halted the day 
before, and proceeded along it. Every yard showed the traces of 
a multitude having crowded along it in great confusion. The road 
was narrow, through thick grass and paddy, and in some places 
tall elephant grass, all sufficiently thick to impede the march 
of infantry except on the road. Approaching the village of 
Montsanganoo there was a thick belt of jungle, but it was 
found unoccupied. The force passed through it and found 
shelter in huts and sheds. A vast plain extended to the front 
and our right. The guides declared that the enemy had 
pushed on, and were at least twenty miles off. Under such 
belief all ranks got under such cover as the place afforded, and 
it was determined to return on the following day to Pegu 
Lomen. About 1 o-'clock p.m. it was reported that two of 
the Cassay horse had appeared in front of the position oc- 
cupied by the detachment of the Madras Fusiliers. A Staff 
and two other officers, accompanied by two men, went out 
along the northern road to reconnoitre ; and the Burmese 
being within long rifle range, two shots from a Minie were fired 



246 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

at them ; the firsts at about four hundred and sixty yards,,* 
went sufficiently close to one to make him bow his head; 
another, at about double the distance, also fell close. The 
horsemen making off at their utmost speed, the party moved 
on to a wooden bridge, from which they had retired, and 
where a better view of the country in our front was expected. 
From this nothing could at the time be seen except a village 
and some large houses to our left, some Phongyee houses on 
the road, about a mile in advance of the bridge, and a large 
village some distance to the right ; in many places it was 
thought a line of newly turned-up earth could be distinguished, 
as if extending from the houses on the road, on both sides, 
towards the villages on the right and left. Not a sawar was 
to be seen except the two horsemen above noticed, who, ob- 
serving the party stationary at the bridge, began to approach 
slowly. It was at this time that Captain Travers, General 
Steel's aide-de-camp, rode up on his brave little Arab Selim, 
and galloping past the party, the Cassay horse wheeled about. 
The gallant aide-de-camp dashed on after them, and had gained 
within one hundred yards of the last, when many more men 
suddenly rode out to meet him, and numbers of the enemy 
showing themselves about the houses, the energetic Captainf 
was compelled to pull up. As he walked quietly back, the 
Burmese horsemen following at a respectful distance, the whole 



* The old percussion musket, Lovell's Brunswick rifle, with belted ball, and 
the old. light artillery guns, had all been in use during these Pegu operations. 
Since then, the Enfield rifle, with a range of nine hundred yards and upwards, 
has been introduced into the Indian service. — Note of 1858-59. 

t This excellent officer, of the Adjutant-General's Department, Madras, 
was afterwards Colonel Travers, Assistant Adjutant- General for India at the 
Horse Guards, London, which appointment he held for some years. He was 
subsequently promoted to the command of a brigade in his own presidency ; 
but, health failing, Brigadier- General E. A. B. Travers died at Coonoor (Neil- 
gherries), 16th of June 1879. He was one of the most promising officers in 
the Service ; and the present writer thought him the best adapted for command 
in the event of a Third Burmese War ! 



BELIEF OP PEGU, 247 

extent^ from village to village, became alive with men. A 
long line rose up from their entrenchments, where they had 
been lying concealed, and the houses and villages were soon 
filled. A peremptory order at this time arrived for the party 
to return to their lines, upon which our opponents fell back on 
theirs. The presence of the whole enemy within two miles of 
his head-quarters thus by chance became known to General 
Godwin from the unauthorised act of two or three officers and 
men going out beyond the outposts to reconnoitre. The 
position occupied by the British was better adapted for affording 
shelter to the troops than for defence ; a few huts on the right, 
a shady tope, and some sheds on the left ; the rear close on a 
jungle, and a nullah which turned up round our left flank and 
extended nearly to the right centre of the enemy's position, 
would have enabled him at any time, day or night, to have 
brought his whole force unperceived into our rear and left 
flanks, and to have occupied the thick jungle within half -musket 
shot of us. There was certainly something wrong in the present 
state of affairs. The guides asserted that it was all a mistake ; 
there was no enemy near. However, an old ruined pagoda in 
the jungle, in rear of our head- quarters, and which had been 
used by the Burmese as a look-out, enabled others to see them 
as they had been reported ; and a body of their infantry moving 
down into the belt of jungle in front of their right centre, an 
officer with a small party again went towards the bridge to 
reconnoitre, when the enemy attempted to cut off their retreat. 
More of their troops pushed forward j but our party was brought 
slowly back, keeping clear of the jungle which was now occu- 
pied by our adversaries, and bringing down, following them at 
a respectable distance, considerable numbers of their infantry, 
with a few horse, The bugles in camp now sounded; the men 
stood to their arms in a few minutes, and the force moved on 
to meet the foe, who, on seeing our troops advance, fell gra- 
dually back on his entrenchments, our skirmishers dislodging 
those who had entered the belt of jungle on our left. After 



248 OUR BUEMBSB WARS. 

crossing the bridge^ two columns of attack were formed ; the right 
intended for General Godwin^ the left given to General Steel. 
The right had some little farther distance to march ; General 
Godwin did not accompany it^ and the next senior officer lost 
no time in getting into motion. The left column was halted 
and held back by General Godwin's personal order. Thus^ in 
the opinion of some, was a chance of fairly and successfully 
closing with the enemy lost, who, as on the previous day, re- 
treated slowly and surely. There can be little doubt that a 
steady active advance would have brought our troops into ac- 
tion, but apparently General Godwin was not desirous of risking 
such a contact. The skirmishers of the left column only were 
engaged; the right carried the village on the enemy's left. 
Night closed in, and the force marched back to their former 
ground, where they found that the sheds they had protected 
themselves in during the day had been set fire to. The follow- 
ing morning we left Montsanganoo after sunrise> and reached 
Pegu about 1 o'clock p.m. 

The operations on the 17th and 18th showed that had 
Colonel Sturt's column been waited for, the army of the enemy 
would in all probability have beea entirely destroyed. No 
country could have been more favourable for cavalry, and the 
few patches of jungle their infantry might have found refuge in 
could have been cleared by our own. But between Kully and 
Montsanganoo there was a sufficient space of open ground for 
the destruction of the force. A blow might have been struck at 
Kully on the 18th or 19th which would have paralysed them with 
terror, and compelled them to submit to our power ; and from 
the carriage the enemy's camp would have supplied, a rapid 
movement on Shwe-gyeen would have obtained us possession 
of that town, and the almost certain annihilation of that boast- 
ing Burmese army. It is a humane wish to be lenient with 
the actions of men. We must relate, however, that this grand 
opportunity was lost by not waiting for a most efficient column 
which marched from and back to Eangoon without once coming 



RELIEF OP PEGU. 249 

into action.* The exposure and fatigue the troops underwent 
on the 17th and 18th caused much sickness from cholera ; the 
Bengal Fusiliers in a few days lost upwards o£ twenty men. 
The natives also suffered considerably. General Godwin^ as was 
ever the case, showed the greatest coolness under fire, and an 
entire disregard of self; and nothing could have been better 
than the relief of Pegu and the plans of attack on the 17th and 
18th. These were admirably conducted until it came to the 
moment for acting, when it appeared as if the veteran Chief 
lacked decision, and seemed to be unconscious of the enemy 
passing away before him. Whatever may have been General 
Godwin's motives for not attacking his enemy with vigour on 
the 17th and 18th — and he had shown himself quite capable 
of vigorous and successful attacks even during the Second 
Burmese War — whatever may have been his motives for not 
waiting for Colonel Sturt's column, or leaving General Steel 
to follow up the enemy when the Horse Artillery and the 
Cavalry arrived — he relieved Pegu and turned the enemy's 
position on the 17th with little or no loss to his own troops. 

The three days' work on the 14th, 17th, and 18th of Decem- 
ber tried the stoutest and hardiest of the force. Some old cam- 
paigners declared the " Punjab " was a joke to it as far as fatigue 
went. None displayed greater endurance than General Godwin 
himself, and several of the oldest ofl&cers who accompanied him. 

The General embarked at Pegu on the 20th, and arrived at 
Rangoon on the morning of the 22nd, after leaving a rein- 
forcement with the garrison at Pegu,t and strengthening their 
party of Sappers as a temporary measure, to allow of their 
putting themselves in a perfect state of defence. The British 
Commander in his despatch bestowed no small share of praise 

* See Colonel Sturt's Despatch, dated Pegu, December 19, 1852, " Pegu," 
Appendix No. VIII. 

t Amount ing now to some seven hundred men, including four hundred and 
fifty Europeans. On the 31st inst. a detachment of the 19th M. N. I. marched 
up to the Pegu Pagoda ; it consisted of two hundred and fifty men, and was 
sent to relieve the detachment of the 5th M. N. I. ordered to Eangoon. 



250 OTJE BUEMESE WARS. 

on the officers and men employed in the harassing and arduous 
duties we have just been relating ; and we are assured that 
never was praise better deserved. We shall now give the 
General Order issued by General Godwin in honour of Major 
HilFs gallant defence of Pegu: — '^^ Major- General Godwin is 
most proud to express his admiration of the noble defence of 
the Pegu Pagoda (against a host of enemies) made by Major 
Hill and the brave handful of officers and soldiers under his 
command for so many days and anxious nights^ cut off as they 
were from the succour of their comrades by the works of the 
enemy on the river as well as by the distant communication 
with the head- quarters of the army. It is a fine example to 
this army of what bravery under the direction of cool courage 
can doj giving, as Major Hill has done, confidence to all, by 
which alone the Pegu garrison has gained so much honour. ■'■' — 
[Dated Pegu, 17th December 1852.] 

The Land Column under Colonel Sturt had left E-angoon 
on the 13th of December. Attacks on the great fortress had 
been openly spoken of; but Brigadier Duke had taken every 
precaution. It certainly was an excellent opportunity for the 
Burmese to commit some daring act; for never before had 
Rangoon been so denuded of troops. Any attempt on the 
citadel itself would have met with a repulse rarely equalled for 
its terrible effects. The artillery was all in capital position — a 
gun at every vulnerable point on the terraces of the pagoda — 
a 24-pounder howitzer ready to sweep the north steps, where 
it was said a rush might be made to regain possession of Gau- 
tama-'s most famous temple. We maybe said to have prevented an 
attack by being ready for it. And this, after all, may be con- 
sidered the most valuable lesson to be learned in the great art 
of War. 

In January 1853, Captain Phayre,^ who had been appointed 

* For a sketch of tliis distinguislied administrative oflBicer, who had been 
Commissioner of Arakan, see the writer's little work, " Sketches of some 
Distinguished Anglo-Indians," p. 135. 



THE PEOOLAMATION. 251 

Commissioner of Pegu^ arrived at Rangoon with the Governor- 
GeneraFs Proclamation annexing Pegu to the British terri- 
tories in the East. This act had been forced on the Govern- 
ment of India. A Second Burmese War, it is useless to repeat, 
was in the last degree repugnant to the feelings of that Govern- 
ment. Lord Dalhousie did everything that man could do to 
avoid it. He wished no addition to our territories ; but the 
force of circumstances willed it, as they have done since the 
days of Clive, and as they will do till the end of time or 
England^s glory. "We cannot stop here ! ^' said Clive on the 
plains of Bengal. Why should we stop " here " if Providence 
means us to go there ? Seventy years ago when they talked of 
schemes of conquest in India, and the British Senate declared 
that the pursuit of them was " contrary to the wish, policy, 
and interest of the British Nation,^^ the zealous speakers little 
knew how the force of circumstances would produce much 
rightful conquest, ending even in the annexation of such king- 
doms as the Punjab, Sind, and Pegu. 

The following is the Proclamation, so exactly adapted to the 
meridian of Ava, and to the comprehension of its subjects : — 

NOTIFICATION. 

Fort William, Foreign Department, 
the 30th December 1852. 
The Most Noble the Governor-General in Council is pleased 
to direct that the following Proclamation, whereby the Pro- 
vince of Pegu has been declared to be a portion of the British 
Territories in the East, shaU be published for general infor- 
mation. 

His Lordship in Council directs that, in honour of this event, 
a Royal Salute shall be fired at every principal Station of the 
Army in the several Presidencies of India. 

By order of the Most Noble the Governor-General of 
India in Council, 

C. Allen, 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 



252 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

PROCLAMATION. 

The Court of Ava having refused to make amends for the 
injuries and insults which British subjects had suffered at the 
hands of its servants, the Governor- General of India in Council 
resolved to exact reparation by force of arms. 

The Forts and Cities upon the coast were forthwith attacked 
and captured ; the Burmese forces have been dispersed wherever 
they have been met; and the Province of Pegu is now in the 
occupation of British troops. 

The just and moderate demands of the Government of India 
have been rejected by the King; the ample opportunity that 
has been afforded him for repairing the injury that was done 
has been disregarded ; and the timely submission which alone 
could have been effectual to prevent the dismemberment of his 
kingdom, is still withheld. 

Wherefore, in compensation for the past, and for better 
security in the future, the Governor- General in Council has 
resolved, and hereby Proclaims, that the Province of Pegu is 
now, and shall be henceforth, a portion of the British terri- 
tories in the East. 

Such Burman troops as may still remain within the Pro- 
vince shall be driven out; Civil Government shall immediately 
be established ; and officers shall be appointed to administer the 
affairs of the several districts. 

The Governor- General in Council hereby calls on the inhabi- 
tants of Pegu to submit themselves to the authority, and to 
confide securely in the protection of the British Government, 
whose power they have seen to be irresistible, and whose rule is 
marked by justice and beneficence. 

The Governor- General in Council having exacted the repara- 
tion he deems sufficient, desires no further conquest in Burma, 
and is willing to consent that hostilities should cease. 

But if the King of Ava shall fail to renew his former rela- 
tions of friendship with the British Government, and if he 



THE PEOCLAMATION. 253 

shall recklessly seek to dispute its quiet possession of the Pro- 
vince it has now declared to be its own, the Governor- General 
in Council will again put forth the power he holds, and will 
visit with full retribution aggressions which, if they be per- 
sisted in, must of necessity lead to the total subversion of the 
Burman State, and to the ruin and exile of the King and his 
race. 

By Order of the Most Noble the Governor- General of 
India in Council, 

C. Allen, 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 
20th December 1852. 

ORDERS BY THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL IN 
COUNCIL. 

Foreign Department, Fort William, 
the 30th December 1852. 

The Most Noble the Governor-General in Council is pleased 
to make the following appointments : — 

Lieutenant-Colonel A. Bogle to be Commissioner of the 
Tenasserim and Martaban Provinces. 

Captain H. T. Berdmore, Madras Artillery, to be Deputy 
Commissioner in the Province of Martaban. 

Lieutenant D. A. Chase, 64th Native Infantry, to be Assistant 
ditto. 

Captain A. P. Phayre to be Commissioner of the Province of 
Pegu.* 



* Consequent on fhis appointment, Captain Hopkinson succeeded to Arakan. 
In 1864, Pegu, Arakan, and Tenasserim were all under the Chief Com- 
missioner of British Burma, Agent to the Viceroy and Governor- General, 
Lieutenant- Colonel Phayre, C.B. It is probable that the three great provinces 
which comprise British Burma wiU one day be ruled over by a Lieutenant- 
GoYernor ! 



254 OUE BUEMESB WAES. 

Deputy Commissioners. 

Captain T. P. Sparks, 7th Madras Native Infantry, at Ran- 
goon. 

Lieutenant A. Fytche,* 70th Native Infantry, at Bassein. 

Captain T. Latter, 67th Native Infantry, at Prome. 

Captain J. Smith, 13th Madras Native Infantry, at Sarawa. 

Lieutenant R. D. Ardagh, Magistrate of the Town of Ran- 
goon. 

Lieutenant E. J. Spilsbury, 67th Native Infantry, Assistant 
ditto. 

Assistant Commissioners. 

Lieutenant C. D. Grant, 11th Madras Native Infantry, at 
Bassein. 

Lieutenant G, Dangerfield, Madras Artillery, at Sarawa. 

Lieutenant J. S. Baird, Madras Artillery, at Prome. 

Dr. J. M'^Clelland to be Ofl&ciatiug Superintendent of 
Forests, Pegu. 

Mr. R. S. Edwards, Collector of Customs, Prome. 

Mr. T. J. Fallon, Collector of Sea Customs, Bassein. 

C. Allen, 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 

At Rangoon, on the morning of the 20th, the annexation of 
Pegu was proclaimed on board H.M.S. "Fox," amid the roar- 
ing of cannon from the navy. On the 31st it was proclaimed 
to the army, and a grand parade was ordered for the occasion. 
The Proclamation was read to the troops in the various lan- 
guages; and a detachment of Horse Artillery on the right 



* For a sketcli of this able and energetic officer (afterwards Chief Com- 
missioner), see " Sketches of some Distinguished Anglo-Indians," p. 119. 



THE PEOOLAMATION. 255 

fired a Eoyal Salute. Brigadier Duke then marched the troops 
home^ when another salute was fired from the upper terrace of 
the great pagoda. Pegu had become British !* 

" The Proclamation " would be read at the Courts of Siam 
and Cochin China^ and even at Pekin itself. A blow had been 
struck which would no doubt vibrate throughout Eastern Asia ; 
and exclusive nations would learn henceforth that they need 
not think of attempting to insult or oppress British subjects 
with impunity. In 1752 we were in possession of three fac- 
tories and twenty square miles of territory ; at the close of 
1853j we were the sovereigns of all India^ and not a shot was 
fired in it without our permission : we ruled over six hundred 
aud fifty thousand square miles^ and a population of more than 
two hundred millions. A new province had just been annexed, 
at a rough calculation two hundred miles in length by nearly 
two hundred in breadth, of some forty thousand square miles, 
said to contain between three and four millions of inhabitants. 
It was thought that the administrative talents of Captain 
Phayre, who had been " one of the chief means of turning the 
swamps of Arakan into the granary of the bay, and whose 
forte lies in making a little kingdom a great one,''^ would soon 
render Pegu a most important and valuable British possession 
in what Malte Brun styles Chin-India, which title has certainly 
more meaning in it than ^'^ India beyond the Ganges. ^^ 

General Godwin had received a copy of the Proclamation 
while busily employed at Pegu. The General having concluded 
operations in that quarter, and having given orders regarding 



* " The annexation of Pegu included the district of Bassein, and united in 
one continuous sea-board of British possession, Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim, 
commanding the entire outlets and deltas of the Irawady, the Sittang, and 
the Salween. The British territory ran northward up the Irawady to 
Meaday, and in addition to former stations, Toungoo, Shwe-gyeen, Henzada, 
and Prome, were occupied by roissions." — " Gospel in Burmah" (1859), 
p. 237. 



256 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

an admirable flank movement to be made by a land column 
from Martaban to Shwe-gyeen^ he left Rangoon with his Staff 
for Prome on the 29th of December.* 



* On tlie 8tli of December the Burmese had made a most daring night-attack 
on Prome, narrated in " Pegn," chap. xi. p. 148. On this occasion their file-firing 
on Her Majesty's 51st was remarked as admirable. Eeminding ns of the first 
war, the chiefs, distinguished by their gilt helmets, rode boldly in the advance 
and fearlessly arranged their posts. At length they fell back on Euthay-Mew. 
On the 9th, Sir John Cheape (of Mooltan and Goojerat celebrity) followed up 
the attack, when all became quiet for a time. There was to be no more severe 
work at Prome. The march of the Martaban Land Column, under Brigadier- 
General Sir S. W. Steel (with which force the writer had the honour to serve), 
arranged in order to carry out that emphatic part of the proclamation,^ " Such 
Btjrman teoops as mat still remain within the Pbotince shall be 
DEIVEN OUT ! " was now the most important undertaking of the army. The 
force left Eangoon early in January 1853, and was highly successful in all its 
operations, reaching Toungoo (Tan-Hoon) on the 22nd of February. The 
march will be found duly recorded, in all its details, in the twelfth, thirteenth, 
and fourteenth chapters of "Pegu." Suffice it to say, that the column had 
forced its way in thirty-four days from Martaban through two hundred and 
forty miles of unknown forest, with a long and heavy train of artillery, sur- 
mounting difficulties which few land marches on record ever had to encounter. 
The ancient province of Toungoo extended eighty miles beyond this once 
famous capital. Bassein, one of the most important places captured from the 
King of Ava (see " Pegu," p. 218), had now attained importance through the 
administrative and military energy of the Deputy Commissioner (a future 
Chief), Captain Fytche. He raised a small local army, and cleared the entire 
district of Dacoits, with little or no expense to the State. It is a strange 
coincidence that in his first expedition in this district, Fytche employed the 
" Nemesis " ; and twenty-four years after was also in a " Nemesis," when, as 
Chief Commissioner, he went to make a treaty with the King of Burma ! 
Thus, it would seem, although Fytche's was a peaceful mission, must Eevenge 
in the East be a sort of guiding-star for politicals ! (See also " Pegu," 
p. 385.) For "the disaster near Donabew," in which the brave Captain 
Loch, C.B., of the Navy, lost his life (in February), and both naval and miU- 
tary officers distinguished themselves while operating against the notorious 
robber chieftain, Myat-htoon, who had won for himself an all-powerful name 
in Donabew and its vicinity, see " Pegu," chap. xvi. p. 226. Ae the English 
never like to hear of disaster, it will be of more interest to proceed at once 
to Sir John Cheape's brilliant operations. 



257 



CHAPTER IV.* 

SIR JOHN CHEAPE'S OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 

The Robber Chieftain of Donabew had, to all appearance, 
become the Soult of the war. Like the great opponent to our 
immortal Wellington on more than one occasion in the Penin- 
sula, he kept his ground — as a matter of course contemplated 
gigantic enterprises — and was certainly not to be despised. 
Were it possible in India or the East to meet with a hostile 
leader possessing the "firmness, activity, vigour, foresight, 
grand conceptions, and admirable arrangement f of Soult, 
the Indian army would better deserve the title which has been 
so graciously bestowed upon it, that of the fighting army of 



* An especial interest will be attached to this chapter when it is known 
that in the operations narrated Ensign Wolseley, who led the storming party, 
is now General Sir G. Wolseley, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., a High Commissioner at 
the Cape. Such has been the rise, after much good service, of this promis- 
ing general and able administrator. While writing this, we read (Sept. 1879) 
the telegram by His Excellency : — " Ulundi, August 29. Cetawayo captured 
yesterday in the heart of Ngome Forest by patrol under command of Major 
Marter, King's Dragoon Guards." — Such heroism and perseverance in the 
chase, displayed also by Lord Gifford, V.C., and his men, remind us of one or 
more similar incidents during the Burmese War. 

t Napier's " Peninsular War," vol. iii. p. 322. 

17 



258 OUE BUEMESB ^AES. 

the world ! There certainly is no army which has acted with 
more strictness up to the great Napoleon^s maxim, that " an 
army should always be in. a condition to fight/^ than ours. But 
not to diverge from the strange comparison brought forward, 
Myat-htoon, in spite of the want of civilisation, and consequent 
want of development of intellectual power, really seemed to 
possess some of the attributes of Soult. He was determined 
to remain in his strong jungly position, to force which had 
proved so fatal to poor Loch and his companions ; and perhaps 
his '' grand conception ^' was, like the chivalrous Bandoola in 
the last war, that of eventually carrying our General in chains 
to Ava ! Of course the news of the recent disaster speedily 
reached the palace of the Golden Foot, and filled the Golden 
Ears with a rare delight. Donabew was the dreaded name 
which would at length strike terror into the hearts of the 
English ; and Myat-htoon had been deputed by the authorities 
in the Buddhistical celestial regions to drive the British 
" barbarians " into the sea, and prop up the falling Burmese 
Empire ! 

With regard to the former proceeding, it was confidently 
asserted that the chief did, before the conclusion of Sir John 
Cheapens operations, send the Commodore a letter saying that 
if the gallant sailor did not immediately quit the river he 
would blow him out of the water ! On the other hand, our 
allies the Karens entertained the serious prospect of soon being 
enabled to forward Myat-htoon^s head in salt to the Commis- 
sioner or to the General ! But he had yet to be driven from 
his stronghold; and before relating the Brigadier-GeueraPs 
operations it may be interesting to take a slight retrospect, in 
which will be found a few events not yet mentioned. 

At a time (May 1852) when Captains Niblett and Brooking, 
of the " Phlegethon " and " Proserpine " steamers, were pro- 
bably burning — like some of Her Majesty^s Navy — ^with the 
ambitious desire of bringing the war to a speedy termination 
by what has been humorously styled " doing a little of ' Lord 



OPEEATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 259 

Coclirane/^' or simply shelling the Golden Emperor in his 
palace from the river off Ava, the former vessel during her 
trip up the river went twenty miles above Donabew. No forti- 
fications were found at the position so celebrated in the military 
narratives ; there was merely the town and the remains of the 
work destroyed in the last war. The science of Burmese war- 
fare which here^ under Maha-Bandoola, had been of no despic- 
able nature^ had given place to the more profitable glories of 
dacoity. During the trips of the " Phlegethon " dacoits were 
roving about^ plundering and murdering, shooting men, women, 
and children ; in short, whoever came in their way. Many of 
the inhabitants who were friendly to us and anxious to know 
if the country was to be annexed, came down with the steamer, 
but during their progress were fired on from the banks of the 
river. Three women were shot. The chief of the party, it 
was said, went to Captain Niblstt, and begged he would lend 
him a dozen muskets or so, and they would land and capture 
these terrible marauders. The fire-arms were lent ; the allies 
landed, killed four or five of the dacoits, and captured the Rob 
Roy of the party, " whom they tied to a tree and shot through 
the head.'' 

Towards the end of the year it was generally known that the 
notorious bandit chief Myat-htoon, also another, by name 
Shway-Ban, were but thirty or forty miles distant, in the vici- 
nities of Rangoon and Dalla. Myat-htoon had burned down 
Donabew and Zaloon, and many other villages. Two other 
chiefs, it was believed, were along with him ; and he ruled over 
a desperate army of seven thousand men. Shway-Ban had a 
smaller force of two thousand. For the last six months these 
skilful Sivas had been rushing forth like fiery torrents on the 
country, destroying everything in their course. Myat-za, a 
Karen chieftain, came into Rangoon about the middle of No- 
vember and asked assistance to repel Shway-Ban, who hovered 
about to the west of Dalla, but he was told very properly that 
he must protect himself ; so collecting about seven hundred 

17 * 



260 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

men of his tribe, he armed them after the fashion of the 
country, and soon captured upwards of thirty robbers, three of 
whom he executed on the spot, and sent in the rest to Ran- 
goon. It is pleasant to record such energy on the part of a 
Karen chief! It is just probable that soon after these pro- 
ceedings Myat-htoon retired to his village and the various fast- 
nesses near Donabew, on the right bank of the Irawady.* 

We do not read of any defeat of Myat-htoon by Karen chiefs 
or others ; he seems to have been regarded as Fra Diavolo of 
his vicinity, striking terror into the hearts of innocent men and 
helpless women. He was doubtless thus employed, in addition 
to having dethroned a governor who had been elected by the 
people at Donabew, when the steamer " Phlegethon,^' with gun- 
boats, and a party of seamen and marines, arrived to attack 
him and his band. A boat expedition was made up a creek, 
where we met with a repulse, the particulars of which may here 
be given. First, it may be stated, however, that in December 
1852 Captain Hewett, I.N., of the "Moozuffer," with the steam- 
frigate^s boats and those of H.M.S. ^'Fox,^^ had surprised a 
party of three thousand Burmese at Pantanno (Pantanau), 
killing numbers, and among the rest a chief^s son, or some 
such person of distinction. For anything we know to the 
contrary the party then defeated belonged to Myat-htoon. 
There could be little doubt who was the directing chief on 
the present occasion of our repulse. 

On the 16th of January an attack was made on Pantanno, 
and the place as formerly — when Hewett commanded — carried 
with little loss. 

On the morning of the 17th, the advance was made up the 



* It is curious to note that the principal towns of Burma (including the 
capitals) are on the left bank of the river. This pretty clearly demonstrates 
that when the exodus from the north, or north-west, took place, the people 
chose their dwellings on the left bank — especially those from the north — as 
more conTenieut. 



OPERATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 261 

very creek into which Captain Hewett had thought it rashness 
to venture. Two boats could not pull abreast in it ; the banks 
were low and covered with jungle^ with stakes driven into the 
riverj and trees across to '' bar the passage." The boats had 
only proceeded a few miles when from each bank came a 
volley of musketry ; several men fell ; the fire became " hotter 
and hotter/^ till at length the boats were driven back with the 
loss of twelve killed and wounded, including among the latter 
one officer of the " Moozuffer/" Lieutenant Mitcheson, I.N., 
severely. On this occasion the expedition was about one 
hundred and eighty strong.'^ 

Having thus finished an imperfect retrospect of events con- 
nected with Myat-htoon previous to the disaster near Donabew, 
let us proceed to relate more decisive and satisfactory opera- 
tionSj yet those darkened by the ever-floating shadows of disease 
and death ! 

On the 18th of February Brigadier-General Sir John Cheape, 
K.C.B., left Prome to proceed against the robber chief Myat- 
htooUj near Donabew. He took with him the following de- 
tachments composed of the most healthy men of the different 
regiments : — two hundred of H. M.'s 18th Koyal Irish under 
Major Wigston; two hundred of H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I. 
under Captain Irby; the Rifle company of the 67th Bengal 
Native Infantry under Captain Hicks ; two hundred of the 4th 
Sikh Locals under Major Armstrong; some seventy Sappers 
and Miners under Lieutenants MuUins and Trevor; and two 
guns — a 24-pounder howitzer and a 9-pounder of the light 
field battery — under Major Eeid, with Lieutenants Ashe and 
Dobbin, all three of the Bengal Artillery; there were also 
some rocket-tubes, served by a small party of dismounted 
Madras Horse Artillerymen, with Conductor Lesby, under 
Lieutenant Magrath of the latter arm. 



* For Note on operations of tlie Indian Navy xmder Captain Rennie, see 
Pegu," p. 256. 



262 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

Sir Joha landed and collected his force at Henzada on the 
Irawady^ a position some thirty-five miles north of Donabew — 
determining to start against Myat-htoon^s stronghold from 
this quarter. Henzada is large and populous^ and here a 
vast number of hackeries (carts) were procurable. From in- 
formation gained through the Commissioner, Sir John was 
led to expect that he could reach Myat-htoon's position m three 
or four days, then march into Donabew, and embark again in 
the steamers. The force, having been joined by Captain Sin- 
gleton, H. M.^s 51st, and all sickly men left behind, started on 
the evening of the 22nd, taking seven or eight days' provisions 
with them. On the 26th the General found himself, as he be- 
lieved, still at a considerable distance from the chiefs strong- 
hold. Provisions running short, and without any knowledge 
of the country between, save a nullah reported unfordable. 
Sir John determined to regain the river ; he accordingly made 
a flank movement to Zaloon, where the force arrived on the 
afternoon of the 28th, after a very tedious and harassing march. 
The enemy had only shown themselves twice, on one of which 
occasions they fired from the opposite side of a nullah and 
wounded two men of the 51st K. O. L. I. The steamers 
having been warned, they came up to Zaloon and received the 
greater part of the troops on board. On the morning of 
the 1st March the force was joined by a small detachment of 
the Ramghur Irregular Cavalry under Lieutenant Graham, 
which body had followed Sir John from Prome, but did not 
arrive at Henzada till after the General had started. The 
steamers left about 11 a.m. for Donabew. The empty carts 
and the horses of the battery were escorted down to Donabew 
by one hundred of the Royal Irish, one hundred Sikhs, and 
the detachment of Irregular Cavalry, the convoy being under 
charge of Captain Armstrong, 18th Royal Irish. It arrived 
safely at its destination on the morning of the 3rd of March. 

About two miles before reaching Donabew Captain Smith, 
the Deputy Commissioner, was told by a Phongyee that there 



OPEEATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 263 

was a Burmese picquet in a house which he pointed out. Cap- 
tain Smithy in consequence, took three or four sawars and 
sepoys along with him^ surrounded the house^ and succeeded 
in capturing three men. These prisoners afterwards acted as 
guides to the expedition. The pagoda of Donabew stands on 
the river side, and with the exception of three or four Phongyee 
houses some three-quarters of a mile distant^ not a house^ not 
even an inhabitant of any description was to be seen. The 
town^ as has been already observed^ had been burned down 
by Myat-htoon and his destructive band, who had probably de- 
determined that while the English remained in the country 
" Stormy Donabew/' as a town or military position, should 
not stand. Here Sir John Cheape resolved to wait for the 
reinforcements which were expected from Rangoon. The 
Europeans lived in the flats and steamers^ and the native 
troops inside the pagoda. This prudent delay on the part of 
the General was^ no doubt, occasioned by the reflection that 
Myat-htoon's position was an exceedingly strong one. He was 
by no means to be despised ; nor was his stronghold to be as- 
sailed in an incautious and hasty manner. He had the disci- 
pline and power of Mother Nature on his side against the 
regular training of a British force ! Coolness and judgment 
were consequently required at this juncture against such an 
enemy as the chief Myat-htoon. 

During Massena's invasion of Portugal, when Lord Welling- 
ton was endeavouring to drive sense into the heads of the Por- 
tuguese Government, he said to them, "I have little doubt 
of final success, but I have fought a sufiicient number of 
battles to know that the result of any is not certain even with 
the best arrangements.'^* In like manner, probably, argued 
Sir John on the present minor occasion. 

On the 6th a party of recruits, one hundred and thirty strong. 



* Napier's "Peninsular War." 



264 OUE BTTEMESE WAES. 

of H. M.'s SOthj under the command of Major Holdich, three 
hundred men of the 67th Bengal Native Infantry under Colonel 
Sturt, two mortars under Lieutenant Percival^ B.A._, and a 
large supply of commissariat stores under the charge of Lieu- 
tenant Mackellar, Madras Commissariat, arrived. 

Everything being now ready, including two rafts prepared 
by the Sappers — the barrels composing them having been 
brought from Rangoon — the General issued an order for the 
force to start at 2 p.m. on the 7th instant. All the sick being 
left at Donabew, and some few men to garrison the place, 
the party now consisted of about five hundred Europeans, five 
hundred Natives, two guns of the light field battery, three 
rocket-tubes^ and two mortars, with the detachment of Irre- 
gular Horse, and seventy Sappers. Being now assured that 
three days would bring them in front of Myat-htoon^s strong- 
hold, they started, as ordered, at 2 p.m. on the 7th, taking six 
or seven days^ provisions with them. The right wing under 
Major Wigston, consisting of the detachments of H. M.'s 18th 
and 80th regiments, with the 4th Sikhs in front; then came 
the guns, followed by the Irregular Cavalry, rocket-tubes, and 
mortars. The left wing, consisting of detachments of H. M.'s 
51st and the 67th Bengal Native Infantry, was under the 
command of Colonel Sturt. The direction taken by the force 
was almost due west. After proceeding three miles the ad- 
vanced guard surprised a small picquet, and shot two of the 
enemy. About 5 p.m. the column reached Akyo and the bank 
of a broad nullah, at least one hundred and thirty yards wide. 
This was seven miles from Donabew. Here the enemy opened 
a fire of jinjals and musketry, but our guns came to the front 
and silenced them for a time. The troops passed the night 
behind a belt of jungle parallel to the nullah; and, although 
the Burmese dropped in shots all night, occasionally replied to 
by our rockets, only two men were slightly wounded. On the 
8th, about 9 a.m., the rafts having been put together by the 
Sappers, and the fog clearing off, a party of the 51st and 



OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 265 

Rifles were thrown across the nullah, A little firing took place, 
but no casualties occurred. All this day was occupied in cross- 
ing the guns and baggage, which operation was not concluded 
till late at night. The fogs being particularly heavy at this 
season in this part of the country, and not clearing up till 
near 9 a,m,, the force generally breakfasted before starting. 
On the 9th they left at the above hour, when a few shots were 
fired in front. At mid-day our troops came opposite a few 
houses; the Burmese were said to be in them. Guns drawn 
up and all ready, a party was sent forward to make them show 
themselves ; but not a vestige of either friend or foe was to be 
seen there ! It was now said to be the wrong road ; the 
guide was flogged, sent to the rear, and another one called up 
to take his place. The new guide turned to the left, and 
after a most tedious round, under a glaring sun, brought 
the wearied troops back to the identical spot from which 
they had started ! Here was provocation enough to try the 
temper of the most forbearing. While dwelling on this inci- 
dent one is apt to recall to memory a story related by Admiral 
Sir Charles Napier in his " Travels in Syria,^^ of a guide who 
would not do his duty. Seizing hold of the miscreant, he de- 
clared, if he did not proceed on his way forthwith, '' by the 
beard of the Prophet ! '' he would send a bullet through his 
head; after which the guide sullenly took the lead. On the 
present occasion the first guide should have been under the 
charge of the gallant Admiral, and probably there would have 
been no occasion for a second. To proceed — a halt was made 
in the village for two hours ; but Major Cotton was sent on 
with two hundred men to the nullah where the force intended 
to encamp at Kyomtano. It was about a mile farther on ; and 
on his arrival he succeeded in surprising a party of Burmese, 
drove them across the nullah, followed them in dashing style, 
and killed eight of them without losing a man. On the arrival 
of the troops in the evening, a small party of Burmese showed 
themselves from the jungles on the left; the guns opened on 



266 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

them, and they soon disappeared. These men came down next 
morning, under cover of the fog_, and fired into the camp. 
The nullah here was about fifty yards wide. A sort of bridge 
was made by connecting the rafts with planks, and, with the 
assistance of an old boat found in the nullah, the greater part 
of the troops and all the baggage passed over. The bridge was 
then broken up, and the guns taken across on the rafts ; the 
empty hackeries were driven into the water and swam over 
beautifully. Everything was across and the rafts packed again 
by 5 P.M. 

On the 11th the force started at the usual hour. Every one 
now expected to reach Myat-htoon^s position that day. They 
had not proceeded two miles when Lieutenant Clarke, of the 
67th Native Infantry, and one of the Rifles were wounded on a 
small patch of cleared ground, and the rear- guard were attacked 
by a strong party in the long grass. Lieutenant Johnson com- 
manding the guard, seeing that firing was useless, charged into 
the jungle and dispersed the Burmese. The rear-guard on this 
occasion lost one sepoy killed, and one private and six sepoys 
wounded. From the spot where Clarke was wounded the road 
entered the thick forest ; the Burmese had only to throw down 
a tree or two with their usual tact in such matters, and a com- 
pletely new road would have to be cut round the obstacle. 
This they had done in several places ; there was consequently 
very hard work, particularly for the Sappers, and the advance 
was very slow. Shortly after entering the forest a small 
breastwork was taken, where one man was wounded ; another 
breastwork was passed, but it was undefended. About 2 p.m. 
the Burmese disappeared from the front, and the road was unob- 
structed. The force crossed a piece of water about 4 p.m. and 
shortly after the advance found that the road turned into a foot- 
path. Every one was now tired out, — man and beast thoroughly 
fatigued from this wearisome pursuit of the crafty chief; the 
Artillery horses were staggering in their harness. Sir John 
determined to encamp on the spot, there being water a short 



OPEEATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 267 

distance ahead. The hackeries as they came up were either 
pushed right and left into the jungle or remained on the road. 
The troops lay down on each side^ and it was dark long before 
the whole of the carriage was up. Not a fire was lighted^ and 
the night passed away quietly. Cholera made its first appear- 
ance in camp this nighty and one of the wounded Sikhs died. 
Myat-htoon''s place was said to be only two miles to the left, 
but there was no road between. The guide who had committed 
himself on the 9thj and who was now with the rear-guard, had 
pointed out a spot shortly after passing the first breastwork 
where he declared the road to Myat-htoon^s position diverged 
to the left. Unfortunately there was no one to take advantage 
of this information, and his statement might not have found 
credit, though it was afterwards proved to be correct. We 
believe the Commissioner, Captain Smith, informed Sir John this 
same morning that he did not know the road, and had no means 
of gaining information. A feeling of despondency, a despair of 
success, with one or more, began to arise ! But Sir John 
tempered his energy to the occasion, and was determined to 
persevere ! Myat-htoon was not the man to keep back the 
Engineer of Moultan and the Artilleryman of Goojerat ! The 
force retraced its steps on the morning of the 12th without 
rations having been served out, the rear of yesterday moving in 
front to-day. On passing the spot where the road branched off, 
there were serious thoughts of still advancing on Myat-htoon ; 
but provisions were failing again, so it was thought prudent to 
return to Kyomtano and wait for a supply. Several cases of 
cholera occurred on the road. On the 13th Colonel Sturt, 
with all the hackeries and some three hundred men, went into 
Donabew for provisions.* Meanwhile ,the troops were put on 
half -rations. This was a sad day in camp, no less than thirteen 
deaths fi'om cholera having taken place. 



* The sick and wounded were sent in along with Mm, 



268 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

The force remained here until the 16th, when Colonel Sturt 
returned with ten or twelve days'" provisions. The Burmese 
had fired a few shots into camp every night_, but fortunately 
without hitting any one. At 2 p.m. on the 17th, the right 
wing under Major Wigston, 18th Eoyal Irish, were sent on the 
old road, and again captured the breastwork, which had been 
much strengthened, with the loss of one officer and five men 
wounded. A prisoner and two brass jinjals were taken on 
this occasion. This prisoner was of some use in the further 
advance of the force in describing and pointing out the enemy's 
position.* On the 18th, at daybreak, the rest of the force 
started, leaving the sick and surplus provisions with a detach- 
ment under Lieutenant Dickson of the 51st, in a small stockade 
at Kyomtano. The party joined the right wing at the breast- 
work, and the sick and wounded of Major Wigston-'s party 
were sent back to Kyomtano ; the column continued their 
march, the left wing, under Colonel Sturt, in front, till they 
came to another breastwork about 4 p.m. This work was 
gallantly carried by H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I. and the 67th 
Bengal Native Infantry, Captain Singleton of the former regi- 
ment leading the advance. Ensign Boileau of the 67th fell 
while gallantly attacking the enemy on the left bank. On this 
occasion our loss was one officer and one sepoy of the 67th 
killed, and one ensign of the 51st and six sepoys of the 67th 
wounded. At 5 p.m. the force encamped by a piece of water 
about a mile farther on, cholera raging in camp. At 7 a.m. 
on the 19th, the General was advancing with his troops, the 
right wing in front. Having gone a mile out, the enemy were 
found in a breastwork on the opposite side of the nullah, or at 
the head of the piece of water on the right, along the edge of 



* For Sir John Cheape's Despatch, dated Donabew, 25th March 1853, see 
Pegu," Appendix No. XIII,, p. 516. 



OPEEATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 269 

whicli the road lay."^ Under the circumstances Sir John 
deemed it the safest plan to get at the enemy as speedily as 
possible. 

The Action of the \^th. 

Supported by the guns and rockets^ the General now re- 
solved to carry the breastwork on the right. H. M/s 80th 
formed the advanced guard, followed by the Sappers clearing 
the road. 

On coming opposite the enemy^s left flank the firing com- 
menced. The rockets were advanced and opened fire. The 
Sikhs were sent on to support the 80th; and the 18th Royal 
Irish in support of them. 

The Sappers worked admirably, and the guns were shortly 
got into position and opened a well directed fire, which gra- 
dually became very heavy on both sides, and it was reported to 
Sir John that Major Wigston was wounded. On reaching the 
front he found also that Major Armstrong of the Sikh Corps 
was wounded, and many other officers and men. The fire of 
the enemy on the path leading up to the breastwork was so 
heavy that '^ the advanced party had not succeeded in carrying 
it.'^ Lieutenant Johnson, the only remaining officer of the 
4th Sikh E-egiment, persevered most bravely, which only in- 
creased the loss. H. M.^'s 80th and the Sikhs now hoped to 
get round the extreme right of the enemy, but thick jungle 
and strong abattis prevented the men from making their way 
through. At this point the 18th Royal Irish came up. The 
fire of musketry and grape was so heavy that they got scat- 
tered, and sustained great loss. Lieutenant Cockburn of this 
distinguished corps was severely wounded. Major Holdich of 
H. M.''s 80th was now in command of the right wing. Dense 
smoke, a very heavy fire, and the deadly breastwork yet to be 



* See Despatch. 



270 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

assailed_, there was some difficulty in Sir John acting up to 
Napoleon's advice to Massena before the battle of Busaco : " At- 
tack vigorously after having observed iv ell where to strike ! " At 
length the General did ascertain what was between our men 
and the breastwork. He discovered that there was no water, 
and no obstacle of any importance to be encountered^ provided 
the troops could pass through the enemy's fire^ a distance of 
some thirty yards. Now the resolution to attack vigorously 
was at its full height. The " assembly " brought as many of 
the right wing together as possible. In the meantime Major 
Reid of the Bengal Artillery gallantly brought up a 24-pounder 
howitzer — the men of the 51st assisting to drag the gun along — 
and opened an effectual fire on the enemy at a range of not 
more than twenty-five yards. Being in a much exposed posi- 
tion, as was to be expected the gallant Major was almost imme- 
diately wounded, after which Lieutenant Ashe kept up the 
fire of the gun in the most spirited manner. This was dan- 
gerous firing for our Artillery, but the canister from that gem 
of field-pieces, at such a range, must have been terribly effec- 
tive ! At this crisis, while the Burmese were doing sad havoc 
with their musketry, and working their masked battery with 
decided effect, it is highly probable that no other means avail- 
able could have been nearly so instrumental in striking terror 
into the determined hearts of the enemy as this artillery fire ! 
It came as a splendid harbinger of the final charge which, 
in spite of all resistance, was to drive the chieftain from his 
stronghold ! The right wing being much weakened from the 
loss they had sustained, and on account of the number of men 
required as skirmishers. Sir John ordered a reinforcement from 
the left. These were joined by the men of the right wing that 
had been collected by Major Holdich, and were led by Ensign 
Wolseley of H. M.'s 80th. To use the General's own words, 
" the whole advanced in a manner that nothing could check.'' 
The fire was severe, and Lieutenant Taylor, 9th Madras Native 
Infantry, doing duty with H. M.'s 51st, fell mortally wounded; 



OPERATIONS AGAINST MIAT-HTOON. 271 

Ensign Wolseley was also struck down, and many other gallant 
soldiers. The breastwork was immediately carried ; the enemy 
fled in confusion, except those who stood to be shot or bayo- 
neted by the men. British courage had now overcome in the 
midst of dense forest and jungle all natural difficulties, as in 
more civilised countries it had so often gloriously conquered all 
artificial ones, and the entire defeat of the chieftain Myat- 
htoon was now to be ranked among the most important events 
of the war ! Our loss was severe. Eleven bodies were buried 
on the spot, and nine officers and seventy-five men were 
wounded in this well- fought action, of the 19th of March, 
which lasted about two hours. '^ Lieutenant Trevor of the 
Engineers, with Corporal Livingstone and Private Preston, of 
H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., first entered the enemy^s breastwork, 
the two former each shooting down one of the enemy op- 
posing their entrance. The lead devolved on them and on 
Sergeant Preston of H. M.^s 51st, and Sergeant-Major Quin 
of H. M.''s 80th, when Lieutenant Taylor, Ensign Wolseley, 
and Colour-Sergeant Donnahoe fell in the advance. '■' "^ Two 
guns, which had been lost by the unfortunate expedition at the 
beginning of February, were now recaptured. The Burmese 
had been firing with them at our troops with deadly effect. 
In the opinion of the General and others they were well served 
to the last. In attempting to carry off one of them twelve of 
the enemy were killed by a discharge from our 9-pounder gun. 
The enemy sustained a heavy loss in kiUed and wounded ; the 
only drawback to Sir John's complete triumph was the escape 
of the chief with a few followers. It was improbable that he 
would go to Ava after such a defeat, or out of his own vicinity be 
again able to collect forces to resist our power. " His whole 
force and means,'' wrote Sir John, " were concentrated on this 



* Sir John Cheape's Despatch. 



272 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

position^ and I imagine he must have had about 4,000 men in 
these breastworks, which extended 1,200 yards in length." 

After the action a party was sent on immediately to Kyou- 
kazeen (or Kun-ka-zeen) , Myat-htoon^s own village. Neither 
in this, nor in a village passed on the road to it, was a single 
person to be seen. Both villages, situated on the Pantanno 
creek, might be distant three quarters o£ a mile from each other. 
Colonel Sturt, with part of the 67th, and all the commissariat, 
remained in the first village ; the rest of the force, with all the 
wounded, proceeded to Kyoukazeen. Captain Fytche, Deputy 
Commissioner of the Bassein district, joined about mid-day at 
the first village. 

On the 20th Captain Tarleton arrived with some gun-boats, 
having with his accustomed energy and perseverance cut through 
the obstructions thrown into the creek for a distance of fifteen 
miles. Some nine hundred boats, crowded with people who 
had been kept in subjection by Myat-htoon, passed down the 
creek ! In this affecting incident alone was to be found an 
argument against those who, be it just or unjust, affect to 
shudder at the very name of war ! Some thousands of our 
fellow-creatures were now relieved from captivity and oppres- 
sion ; and it may be doubted whether all the wordy speeches 
of the Peace Societies will ever do as much ! War, we all 
know, is an evil, but it is a necessary one ; and, as in the above 
incident, out of it does come good ; Providence, it would seem, 
has placed it amongst the machinery which governs this won- 
derful world of ours, and it cannot be removed altogether to 
suit the selfishness of a party. Were our life not what Byron 
styles " a false nature," it might be otherwise. It certainly 
" is not in the harmony of things, this hard decree ! " But as 
long as there are opposing interests in the world, as long as 
there are countries to bring within the pale of enlightenment 
and civilisation, there must and will be war ! Governments, 
therefore, should always be prepared for it, which preparation 
may either promote a nation's glory, or secure a nation^'s peace. 



OPEEATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 273 

On the 21st Lieutenant Cockburn, 18tli Royal Irishj was 
buried^ havin<?^ died of his wounds the previous evening. All 
the sick and wounded^ with the guns_, were sent down in 
boats to the steamers lying in the creek. Lieutenant Wil- 
liams, Adjutant of the 67th Bengal Native Infantry, who had 
been seized with cholera on the 19th_, died on board. The bad 
cases of this terrible scourge were sent to Rangoon direct, the 
others to Donabew and Prome. On the 22nd the force was 
ordered to return. Four p.m. was the appointed hour to 
march; but at two the village (Kun-ka-zeen*), extending nearly 
three-quarters of a mile on the side where the troops were en- 
camped, caught fire. Sir John, who lived on the opposite side, 
was enabled to cross with difficulty, and not without being 
scorched. The fire spread with the utmost rapidity, burning 
even the boats on the nullah. Captain Garden, Assistant 
Quartermaster- General, and one or two others, were obliged 
to swim across. It was most fortunate that the sick, the guns, 
and ammunition, as also the Commissariat in the other village, 
had been sent away. Great confusion reigned for some time, 
the calamity of fire always producing " confusion worse con- 
founded,^'' but eventually all were collected in Colonel Sturt's 
camp. The force marched to Kyomtano the same evening. 

On the 23rd a nullah was crossed, and into Akyo. On the 
24th another nullah was crossed, and into Donabew. The 
troops were embarked and returned to Prome, leaving a de- 
tachment in the pagoda of Donabew. 

In these operations against Myat-htoon upwards of one hun- 
dred and forty of our troops were killed and wounded (including 
three officers, one killed and two severely wounded), and up- 
wards of one hundred died of cholera, making the total of 
casualties up to nearly two hundred and fifty. This was severe 
work, every one wiU admit, but only those who have had some 



* Probably Kyou Kazeen is tbe correct spelling, although the above mode 
in the sketch, which has also Knn-ta-ni, and not Kyomtano. 

18 



274 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

experience in jungle warfare can know of tlie sufferings fre- 
quently to be endured^ and the vast difficulties to be overcome. 
No soldier likes to be shot at without a chance of immediately 
returning it ; he raises his piece at trees and jungle, and per- 
haps another shot tells him to desist. Then may come want of 
provisions, want of rest, and, worse than all, pestilence, too 
often not to be avoided on such expeditions, — and such in jungle 
warfare are the shadows of a soldier's life ! A glorious light 
of it had now been shared by many in the final charge at the 
enemy in the breastwork, with the irresistible British bayonet ! 
In the operations just related two wants appear to have been 
predominant, — the want of correct information regarding the 
whereabouts of the enemy, and the want of a proper quan- 
tity of provisions at the required time. Why not more provi- 
sions ? Simply because, even had sufficient carriage been 
available, .it would not have been prudent in a General to 
have started in an unknown forest with a long line of commis- 
sariat hackeries, which, had the enemy sent thieves or skir- 
mishers into the jungle, it would have taken half his force to 
defend. It was, therefore, sufficient to take a fair quantity of 
provisions, relying, as the distances could not be great, on the 
talents of his guides, who appear to have been arrant knaves 
and honest men by turns. Apparently, there is no fault to 
find with the conduct of this expedition against Myat-htoon; 
on the contrary, Sir John Cheape is to be praised for the 
manner in which it was conducted. Throughout the operations 
he appears to have displayed coolness, energy, and prudence, 
with compassion for his wounded and suffering soldiers ; and 
these are qualities which must be found in an eminent 
degree, under all circumstances, in him who would be a great 



275 



CHAPTER Y. 

LOED DALHOUSIB's POLICY IN THE SECOND BUEMESE WAE. 
VAEIOUS EEMAEKS. 

About the middle of June 1853 the official documents contain- 
ing the policy of the Governor-General of India regarding 
Burma^ reached us at Toungoo. No feast could have been 
more welcome to the poor author of a narrative than these 
numerous columns of type at such a time. Novelty was sadly 
wanting among us. Even those who had a taste for reading 
and writing had exhausted books^ and had nearly exhausted 
paper. Of '^ news " there was none^ save the old story of the 
treaty which was never to be signed ; and of excitement,, being 
on the frontier station^ there was an occasional little, caused 
by the rumour of a Burmese attacking force being not far 
distant^ and the probability of, while writing a letter homewards 
about the treaty of peace^ your being visited by a swift mes- 
senger in the shape of a 4-pounder shot or a jinjal ball right 
through the mat-wall of your airy picturesque cottage ! The 
reality of soldier-life at Toungoo had arrived at this pitch 
among us when the various documents of correspondence be- 
tween the Governor- General of India and the Secret Com- 
mittee, relative to hostilities with Burma, presented some new 

18 * 



276 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

food for the mind to dwell upon. The first thought that struck 
the present writer was^ How did it all tally with what he had 
already written ? Had he been, without sufficient data, rash 
in any of the important assertions he had ventured? Con- 
science having brought forward no very serious accusations, he 
determined on making a few notes from, and remarks on, the 
important papers which had now arrived, and the following are 
presented to our readers accordingly. 

In the first place, few will now be bold enough to deny that 
"hostilities with Burma had become unavoidable,^^ and these 
few probably belong to the Peace Society, a great gun of which 
was let fly at Manchester against our Burmese policy; but 
what signified the futile discharge, when common sense held 
firmly to the opinion that, " of all our justifiable wars, none 
was more obviously and thoroughly justifiable than the Second 
Burmese War." 

The Governor- General, in a Minute dated June 30, 1852, 
says — after remarking that the whole sea-board of Burma was 
in our possession — " But, for all that, the Court of Ava has 
made no sign of submission, and a final result has not yet been 
obtained. ... I had the honour (Minute, February 12) 
to declare my opinion that ' the Government of India cannot, 
consistently with its own safety, appear for one day in an 
attitude of inferiority, or hope to maintain peace and submis- 
sion among the numberless princes and people embraced within 
the vast circuit of the Empire, if, for one day, it give coun- 
tenance to a doubt of the absolute superiority of its arms, and 
of its continued resolution to assert it.-"" The wisdom of 
these remarks is at once apparent. " This maxim,^^ continues 
his Lordship, " applies with especial force to any matter of 
dispute or conflict with the Burman Kingdom. . . . There 
is no Power which ventures to assert the same pretensions to 
superiority in strength and dignity, and none so ready to sup- 
port those pretensions bv force of arms.-'^ The Governor- 
General is next of opinion that " after the events of the last 



LOED DALHOUSIE's POLICY. 277 

three montlis we ought not to concede to them terms so light 
as G-eneral Grodwin_, in his instructions, was authorised to 
grant. ... If overtures should be made before large 
additional charges have been incurred by the Government of 
India, in the preparation o£ an army to take the field in No- 
vember, the Court of Ava should be required to pay down, 
promptly, 15 lakhs o£ rupees, to cede the Negrais and Diamond 
Islands, and the district of Martaban, to a point upon the Sittang 
river near to Sliwe-gyeen.''' In this Minute the Governor- 
General thus ably defends himself and the Government of India 
against the vulgar charge of " insatiable lust of territorial 
aggrandisement ''■' : — 

'' In the earliest stage of the present dispute I avowed my 
opinion that conquest in Burma would be a calamity second 
only to the calamity of war; that opinion remains unchanged. 
. . . If conquest is contemplated by me now, it is not as 
a positive good, but solely as the least of those evils before us, 
from which we must of necessity select one/'' With reference 
to the necessity which compelled us in 1826 to deprive the 
Burmese of the provinces of Tenasserim, Arakan, and Assam, 
the Governor- General asserts — " Now, for stronger reasons 
and with better effect, the occupation of the province of Pegu 
appears to me to be unavoidably demanded by sound views of 
general policy .^^ In short, what should have been done twenty- 
six years before was in contemplation now. 

On the 6th of September the Secret Committee replied to 
the Governor-General of India in Council, acknowledging, in 
addition to the above Minute of the 30th of June, the receipt of 
a very important despatch, dated the 2nd of July. The reply 
of the Secret Committee reveals the policy of the Home Go- 
vernment. They seem entirely to concur with the Governor- 
General in his opinions regarding the annexation of Pegu; 
but they see " material difficulties opposed to the retaining 
possession of the district without bringing the war to a con- 
clusion either by a treaty with the King of Ava, of which that 



278 OUR BTJEMESB WARS. 

cession should be tlie basis {sine qua non), or by the entire 
subjugation of that Power /^ These "material difficulties^'' 
appeared to the Secret Committee from the Governor- General, 
after presenting to them five alternatives, having remarked, 
chiefly with reference to the disposition of the inhabitants of 
Pegu, " that it may be well worthy of consideration whether, 
in the event of the King of Ava evading submission, and of 
the occupation of Pegu being finally resolved upon, we should 
not confine our military operations to driving the Burmese 
before us out of every part of that province, and then occupy- 
ing it, with the declared intention of holding it permanently, 
without proceeding onward to the capital/^ The Secret Com- 
mittee consider that, simultaneously with General Godwin^s 
advance on Prome, or earlier if thought expedient, the King of 
Ava should be informed of our being prepared to adopt the 
cession of the province of Pegu as the measure of compensa- ' 
tion by which a farther advance into his kingdom may be 
stayed, and to conclude a treaty of peace with him accordingly, 
" accompanied by the necessary stipulations for the future 
maintenance of a friendly intercourse between the two nations ; 
but that, in the event of his refusings or delaying to accede to 
that proposal, he must be prepared for all the consequences 
which he will bring upon himself by the further prosecution of 
the war in his dominions/'' With regard to the additional 
force required by General Godwin for his operations, the Com- 
mittee consider that this force would be required under any of 
the contingencies contemplated by the Governor- General in 
Council, except the very improbable one of a timely submission 
by the Burmese ; and they doubt not " the preparations for 
the despatch of it will have been completed in due time to 
take advantage of the favourable season for its employment/'' 
The Secret Committee observe, with intense satisfaction, the 
friendly disposition of the inhabitants of Pegu; and they ex- 
press their admiration of the policy of the Governor-General 
in not yielding to the desire of the Peguese, or Talaings, to 



LOED DALHOUSIE's POLICY. 279 

place themselves formally under our protection while an un- 
certainty remained as to the final annexation to our territories 
of their once independent kingdom. " Now/' write the Com- 
mittee, " that uncertainty will be removed by the present 
despatch, which is intended to convey to you our authority, 
under the sanction of the Queen's Government, to consider the 
permanent occupation of Pegu, and its final annexation to the 
East Indian Dominions of Her Majesty, as the just and neces- 
sary result of those military operations which you have been 
driven to direct against the Burmese Empire. . . . You 
will, therefore, consider yourselves authorised to proclaim the 
annexation of Pegu to the British Empire in the East as soon 
as the forces under General Godwin shall be in possession of 
the whole of it by the capture of Prome/^ The precise limits 
of the cession to be insisted upon were those which would 
secure a well-defined military line of defence. It is curious to 
remark, in the above instructions by the Secret Committee, 
the great importance attached to the capture and occupation of 
the city of Prome. Perhaps, in common with many at home 
and in India, they thought that not a shot to the southward 
would be fired after our securing the ancient boundary between 
the two kingdoms. 

We now turn to the Governor- Generars Minute, dated 
August 10, 1853, written after his Lordship's return from 
Rangoon. He passes in review the present position of our 
affairs in Burmah, our preparations, our means, and our future 
prospects. He is delighted at the health of the troops, their 
excellent state of discipline, and everything seems to secure 
Lord Dalhousie^s admiration at the great commercial capital 
of the Burmese Empire. But his hands are tied — 

" Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown ! " 
^'The Government of India,'' he writes to the Secret Com- 
mittee, " is at present incompetent to determine the question 
of policy. No reply can be expected to their application for 
instructions for some time to come." 



280 OUE BUEMBSE WAES. 

Particular attention is requested to the following remarks^ as 
bearing on what the author ventured to put forward in a 
former chapter. " The absence of definite orders now, upon 
the ultimate policy to be adopted,, is so far to be regretted 
that it necessarily hampers the Grovernment in some degree 
as to present measures. For^ so long as it continues doubtful 
whether the permanent occupation of Pegu will be permittedj 
I feel reluctant to direct an advance of the army^ even as far 
as Prome ; because I am most unwilling to expose the people 
(who would be led by our advance to commit themselves still 
more deeply to us than they have yet done) to all the horrors 
which would be the certain consequence to them of any subse- 
quent retirement by us.-''' The question now to be solved was 
— Whether the ensuing campaign should include a march upon 
Ava, or should be restricted to an advance to Prome and an 
occupation of Pegu? TJie Governor-General discovered, from 
the best information he could obtain at Rangoon, that an ad- 
vance to Ava could not be made wholly by water ; in his opinion 
a heavy land column would be " unavoidable for some part of 
the way.'^ And with regard to the carriage resources of Burma, 
Lord Dalhousie truly says — '' Greatly as everything in that 
country has changed for the better, compared with what it 
was in 1824, I apprehend that the difficulty of obtaining land- 
carriage would be hardly less now than then.-" But notwith- 
standing all these disadvantages, " everything of that sort is 
practicable if one is resolved to do it ; but it could be effected 
only at an enormous cost, which nothing but a proved indis- 
pensable necessity would justify the Government in incurring.''-' 
On the other hand, should it be resolved to limit the advance 
" to the ground which it is proposed to occupy permanently,''^ 
expense would be vastly diminished, life would be saved, and 
time would be economised. Only half the amount of troops 
would then be required by the General. The flotilla might be 
able to convey the force for the occupation of Prome. Then, 
says the Governor- General, " the whole of the cold season will 



LOED dalhousie's poliot. 281 

be before us, in which to confirm our position and to provide 
against the future ; and if the decision of the authorities in 
England shall confirm the proposals of the Grovernment of 
India^ the war may be declared at an end in November^ and 
the annexation of the province proclaimed. The treaty rela- 
tions which have been violated by the Burmese will not be re- 
newed. Doubts and uncertainties both in Pegu and among 
ourselves will be removed,, and thenceforward we shall have 
only to defend our frontier against attack.'^ Lord Dalhousie is 
firmly of opinion that the conquest of the upper provinces 
of the Burmese Empire '' would be for no good end after all.''^ 
It was now decided that the advance should be limited to Prome. 
We now come to a very important pointy the discussion of 
which drew down much unjust abuse on General Godwin — 
unjust^ because information and impartiality were not apparent 
in the majority of opinions — regarding the time when the 
advance on Prome should be made. The Governor- General 
adverts to the subject of an immediate advance to Prome having 
been officially discussed by General Godwin shortly after the 
conclusion of operations at Rangoon. The , General stated 
strong military objections to the movement ; " he pointed out 
that his force was comparatively small^ and that no reinforce- 
ments could be obtained at that season; he showed that we 
were totally ignorant of the plans and movements of the enemy. 
Hence he argued^ that if he should take his force to Prome it 
would be placed there in the heart of an enemy^s country, 
wholly without support if attacked (which was an event at 
least as possible then as in 1825), and with his sole communi- 
cation by the river insecure ; and, consequently, that he would 
be altogether in a weak and false position."-' These reasons 
appeared to the Governor- General — as they would, doubtless, 
have appeared to all reasonable men — to be unanswerable. 
Then, again. General Godwin was strongly urged by many to 
advance during the rains. On — on— to Ava — " Sesostris,'-' 
" Pluto," " Proserpine " ! throw shells into the Palace of the 



282 OUE BUEMBSB WARS. 

Golden Foot^ astonisli the inhabitants of the '' City of the Im- 
mortals " ! " Another turn-a-head/^ to Amarapiira^ and bring 
the " Golden Supreme " to terms ! Steam on the Irawady^ 
there is no limit to your progress ! shoals are nothing ; tonnage 
is nothing ; rocks not laid down in the chart are nothing ; no- 
thing whatever is impossible ! General Godwin informed Lord 
Dalhousie at Rangoon that he had declined to advance during 
the rains. Though some of his previous objections were re- 
moved by the command obtained over the river by the flotilla^ 
he would stillj in the absence of reinforcements, have been 
whoUy without support ; and he alleged as an additional reason 
for declining to advance, that while no object of importance 
had been pointed out as likely to be secured by the early 
occupation of Prome, it would have been unwise and culpable 
to remove the troops, without positive necessity, from the bar- 
racks which had been provided for them, and where they were 
enjoying comparatively good health, in order to expose them at 
Prome to effects of climate and the season, from which they 
were likely to suffer severely. " I consider," says Lord Dal- 
housie, " that these reasons of General Godwin for refusing to 
advance hitherto, during the rains, to Prome, were sound and 
good/-' Thus approved of by his Lordship to the Secret Com- 
mittee, nevertheless. General Godwin had the rare distinction 
of being one of the best abused generals of the day ! Yes, it 
■was a distinction to be abused by those utterly ignorant of the 
facts of each case — ignorant alike of local as well as of military 
affairs — whose ignorance and presumption now became ap- 
parent in the most glaring form from the papers before us. At 
a more advanced period a letter appeared in an Indian journal* 
— which journal in India, with two others well known to fame 
in London, formed the grand literary triumvirate of sarcasm 
and abuse — in defence of the GeneraFs conduct, the publication 
of which evinced a decided liberality on the part of the editor: — 

* December 30, 1852. 



LOED DALHOUSIE's POLICY. 283 

" General Godwin formed one opinion, Commodore Lambert 
another. Had Commodore Lambert^s views been as easy of 
accomplishment as the editors of so many journals declare, 
surely Lord Dalhousie would have over-ruled the General, 
ordered him to furnish 1,000 soldiers to the Commodore, and 
have directed the gallant sailor to advance up the Irawady and 
blow the King^s Court and Capital to ' immortal smash/ It is 
but reasonable, however, to conclude that the Governor- General 
did not coincide with this dashing proposal, but preferred the 
plan of campaign submitted by the General.'"' 

Let us next turn to the all-important Minutes of November 
1852, forwarded by the Governor- General of India in Council 
to the Secret Committee : — 

"Fort William, November 6, 1852. (No. 53.) In reply to 
your despatch of the 6th of September last, we have the honour 
to forward for your information, copies of Minutes recorded by 
us on the aifairs of Burma, from which it wiU be seen that 
we are unanimous in deprecating an occupation of Burma, and 
that we further deprecate an advance to Ava (with the excep- 
tion of Sir John Littler, who advoc^ites an advance, but without 
an occupation) . We have, &c. 

(Signed) " Dalhousie. P. Currie. 

" J. Littler. J. Lowis." 

Lord Dalhousie's Minute is dated November 3, 1852. It 
contains so much valuable information that one is almost led 
to wonder how, in the midst of a Governor-Generars multi- 
farious duties, so much knowledge should have been brought 
together in a despatch, a large portion of which, it is presumed, 
must have been written from memory. Here we have the 
Governor-GeneraFs full views, and the policy he urged upon 
the Secret Committee at home. It is a reply to the despatch 
of the Secret Committee, dated the 6th of September. It is 
regretted that the Committee does not coincide with the Go- 
vernor-General in Council '''^regarding the manner in which the 



284 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

formal termination of the war is to be effected. . . . The 
orders of the Committee are^ that on the occupation of Pegu 
being completed^ the King of Burma shall be called upon to 
conclude a treaty of peace, of which the cession of Pegu shall 
be the basis; and threatened, if he refuses, with all the conse- 
quences that continued war will bring upon him 
Although it now appears that the objections felt by the Com- 
mittee to the larger occupation are not insuperable, I stiU 
adhere to the policy originally recommended ; and still strongly 
urge that the army should not advance to Ava, excepting under 
a more cogent necessity than that contemplated by the Com- 
mittee in their present despatch/^ Now we have a piece of 
statesmanship, as if its author, like a political Theophrastus, had 
penetrated into the inmost core of the Burmese character : — 
" The Committee," says Lord Dalhousie, " regard the treaty 
as of great importance. I regret to feel myself compelled to 
differ from it so widely, that I regard a treaty with this Burman 
Power as an evil to be avoided. . . . Eastern nations set 
little store by such instruments. Their opinion of any attempted 
violation of treaty by Burma would certainly not be calcu- 
lated to deter the Court of Ava from prosecuting its unfaithful 
projects; and the British Government would obtain neither 
moral nor physical aid from them in enforcement of its rights, 
either by their opinion or by their action. In truth, the con- 
clusion of such a treaty serves only to impose obligations 
upon the British Government in proportion as it confers rights. 
A general stipulation for peace and friendship, and for the 
mutual security of the subjects of both States, is not open to 
so much objection ; but when clauses are multiplied, as in the 
Treaty of Yandaboo, and in the consequent commercial treaty 
with Burma, giving to the British Government many rights 
specified in detail, points of contact, and consequently of 
conflict, are multiplied in the same proportion. The British 
Government is thereby reduced to the necessity either of in- 
terfering upon every occasion on which a faithless and over- 



LOED DALHOUSIE's POLICY. 285 

bearing Power disregards the stipulated rights of our subjects^ 
or of avoiding the perpetual risk of quarrel by overlooking such 
disregard of its subjects^ rights,, and neglecting to enforce them. 
Such was the course pursued through many years in regard to 
our treaties with Burma." 

It isj then, the opinion of the Governor- General that this 
undecided policy ^'^did unquestionably encourage the Burmese 
in their arrogance, and presumptuous violation of public rights, 
which led at last to the present war, and to their refusal of any 
reparation for the purpose of averting it." With reference to 
the fact of our Envoys having been '' actually hunted out of 
the country," the Eev. Mr. Burney — son of Colonel Burney — 
informed the author of this narrative that while his father was 
resident at Ava, on the eve of the Coloners departure from the 
presence of the Golden Foot, the King said he would allow 
him to remain with him as a friend, but not as a Eesident.* 
Colonel Burney^s knowledge of the Burmese language and 
people even endeared him to the Court of Ava. 

Lord Dalhousie is convinced that treaties formed on the 
Yandaboo model would lead either to an early quarrel or to a 
repetition of the same process as before, with a similar result ; 
and such are the reasons for which the Governor- General 
regards '^ the negotiations of a formal treaty with Burma as 
productive of evil." The Governor- General in Council at 
length arrives at the conclusion " that a treaty with Burma is 
of no more value than the reed with which it is written — that, 
as a barrier against hostility, it is as flimsy as the paper on 
which it is traced." But, as the Committee express an opinion 
that a treaty should be formed, '' its injunctions shall be 
obeyed." Lord Dalhousie regards it in the last degree im- 
probable that the King will consent to sign a treaty ceding 
Pegu. " That province was the first and best of the conquests 
of Burma, and is the last that it has retained. To cede it 

* See also p. 165. 



286 OUR BUEMBSE WARS. 

"would be to cut off a riglit hand and pluck out a right eye. 
National pride would struggle bitterly against tbe open humilia- 
tion of a formal surrender-" ; but yet the King^s refusal to sign 
does not deter the Governor- General from urging on the Secret 
Committee the fact that the consequences of an entire subju- 
gation of Burma would be " most injurious to the interests of 
the British Government." With regard to the entire sub- 
jugation of the Burman power,, the Committee had not before 
it the full information that (in the Minute of the 10th of 
August) "must subsequently have made it acquainted with 
the great difficulties by which the execution of such an enter- 
prise would be obstructed/-' Lord Dalhousie then proceeds to 
show howj with reference to the much entertained opinion of 
the propriety of an immediate despatch of a force upon the 
steam flotilla to Ava^ thus striking at the heart of the capital, 
and terminating the war at once, such a movement is impos- 
sible. " The Government of India lias not at its disposal the 
means of effecting it.^^ 

We have already stated in this Abstract that a fleet of very 
light steamers was required to proceed above Prome, so it 
will be useless here to give any of the Governor- General's 
details on these matters, admirably set forth as they are in his 
"splendid Despatch/-' In the narrative, the "Enterprise/^ 
drawing twelve feet of water, has been seen lying high and dry 
even between Rangoon and Prome. We are not quite so sure 
of having mentioned the " Sesostris " having struck upon a 
rock coming down the broad and deep Bassein river. How- 
ever, the frigate, through a miracle, came safe to port, was 
lightened, put into the Irawady while the water was yet high, 
and accompanied the advance to Prome. " The river has already 
fallen fifteen feet since the 9th of October." * There were nine 
steam-vessels employed on the advance to Prome, including 
store-boats, gun-boats, and other craft. " Although 2,300 

* Minute, November 3, 1852. 



LOED dalhousie's polioy. 287 

men were recently brought to Prome/' says the Governor- 
General, " tlic voyage was comparatively short and the weather 
was fine. Even then the men suiFered from the crowding and 
confinement. If they are to be moved in the rains for some 
hundred miles farther, the ships must be covered in, and the 
ships'" boats could not give the same aid as of late. Unless it 
was desired to invite the decimation of cholera, the numbers 
embarked in each ship must be greatly less than on the ad- 
vance to Prome. I give a wide estimate when I say that the 
whole steam flotilla could not, in the rains, convey more than 
1,500 men," and this flotilla could not be increased. In the 
Minute of the 10th of August the Governor- General held that 
an advance to Ava could not be made wholly by water. '^ I 
greatly doubt,-"^ said he, "whether the steamers which during 
this autumn would go to Prome, could in the ensuing winter 
mount the stream to Ava.-'-' Since the date of that Minute it is 
now asserted that no time had been lost, nor any exertions spared, 
to collect carriage for the army. Elephants had likewise been 
despatched from Bengal, all with a view to enabling the army 
"to move against any force that might be in its neighbourhood.^' 
This was politic ; but Lord Dalhousie thinks it in the highest 
degree the reverse, with the Cabul disaster fresh on our memory, 
to conquer and occupy Ava, and thus " expose a handful of men 
isolated in the midst of enemies.-'^ * 

We now proceed to the financial remark put forward by the 
Governor- General, that "heretofore the charges of the war 
have been light indeed, compared with the cost of the previous 
war.'' It has been already stated that the Campbell Expedition, 
during Lord Amherst's administration, cost nearly twelve million 
pounds sterling, or say ten crores of rupees, in less than twenty- 
four months. Prom what has been publicly set forth regarding 
the expense of the present war, it would appear to have cost 



* These remarks become of especial interest in 1879, during our occupation 
of Afghanistan. 



288 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

considerably less than a million sterling in the twelve months. 
In the House of Lords, February 24, 1853, the Earl of Ellen- 
borough said that the war had cost from the commencement 
not less than one hundred and thirty thousand pounds a month. 
On the following day, in the House of Commons, Sir James 
Weir Hogg exposed what he termed the preposterous exaggera- 
tions respecting the cost of the expedition. Taking up a good 
authority* — a sort of finance minister in his way — it is there 
said that the war will have scarcely cost more than sixty lakhs 
of rupees in a twelvemonth ! The London " Times " had the 
cost of the expedition, up to the first of July 1852, reckoned 
at about half a million sterling : at a later date the " leading 
journal^-' calculated it at the rate of two hundred and fifty 
thousand pounds a month (twenty-five lakhs of rupees), or 
three million pounds sterling a year. Our Indian financial 
authority, writing in November 1852, says — " Lord Dalhousie 
began the Burmese war not merely with £12^000,000 sterling 
of cash balance in the treasury, but with £2,000,000 sterling 
in excess of the sum which was in hand when the Second 
Punjab War commenced in 1848, and it is doubtless to this 
circumstance we are to attribute the fact of his having been 
able to meet the heavy expenses of a maritime war like that we 
are now engaged in, with so much ease and freedom, and to 
disappoint the expectations of those who were looking for a 
new five per cent. loan. Even if the war should therefore cost 
£2,000,000 sterling, the treasury will only be reduced to the 
same position in which it stood on the 30th of April 1848." 

Heturning to the Governor- General's Minute, he assures the 
Committee that if it '^^ requires this Government to protract 
the war, to continue the advance to Ava, and to seize a vast 
and unprofitable region, they must be prepared to hear of ex- 
hausted cash balances and re-opened loans.^' Even should 
" Amarapiira be captured,^^ the task would be but half done. 

* "Friend of India," January ISth, 1853. 



LOED dalhousie's poliot. 289 

The Committee are referred to the map of Burma, where it 
will find that '"'six degrees of latitude must still be traversed 
before the sujugatiou of the Burman power will be effected. 
That tract of country is mountainous, jungly, and peopled 
with wild tribes. The difficulties of subduing this tract cannot 
be stated, because they cannot be calculated. . . . Terri- 
tory, 800 miles in length, from the sea to Assam, and varying 
in breadth from Arakan to the borders of China, will have 
been added to the British possessions in the East. Once taken 
it must be held. . . . No hill people is contemptible 
among its own hills." Lord Dalhousie alludes to an attempt 
to coerce the Nagas round Assam some two years ago, which 
was attended with no very brilliant results ; the same might be 
the case with the Shans* and other hill tribes with whom we 
would now come in contact. On every principle his Lordship 
seems to deprecate the entire subjugation of the Burmese Em- 
pire ; he thinks it neither worth the trouble nor the expense. 
The King of Ava's crown is one of tinsel, and will secure its 
own downfall. The glory of the dynasty of Alompra, come 
what may, is on the eve of departing for ever. We may some 
day be solicited by numerous unknown tribes to go forth and 
spread the light of civilisation among them. Such thoughts 
are apt to strike one in the perusal of the Minute now under 
consideration. The Governor- General is satisfied, from all 
the information within his reach, " that the revenues of Burma 
would not be sufficient to meet the extra expense which the 
possession of Burma would impose upon us.^^ Again, "the 



* In 1864, althongli tlie Burmese Empire had lost some of its most valuable 
possessions, still the centralising power of Burma, beyond our conquest, was 
strongly felt. The Shans, extending from China to Bankok, were becoming 
their prey, either by conquest or coercion; and, although Lord Dalhousie 
wisely said " No hill tribe is contemptible among its own hills," might we not 
in some measure prevent such a scattered race as the Shans, who might be so 
useful to us in many ways, from falling a prey to the powers that still reign 
in Chin-India ? — In 1879 public attention has been much called to the Nagas 
and other tribes. 

19 



290 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

policy whicli would fix the frontier near to Ava would as- 
suredly leave us still without a treaty of peace, and with the 
prospect of an idefinite continuance of hostilities between the 
two States. My own conviction remains, as I have already ex- 
pressed it, that the King would make no overtures and no 
submission. On our approach to Ava he would retire into his 
highlands, as was their declared policy before, and as recent 
intelligence, received through Armenian merchants at Ava, 
shows to be the King's intention now/' About the same time 
as these words were written another opinion vras entertained as 
to the probability of the King's flight into the jungles on the 
capture and occupation of Ava. It was said that those well 
informed on the subject had declared that such a contingency 
could never arise. The King could not leave his capital ; if 
he did, his flight would be followed by immediate destruction. 
So much for opinion, well defined by Dean Swift as " light of 
foot and headstrong, yet giddy and perpetually turning ! " 
And we cannot help thinking that, notwithstanding the golden 
immortal charm that is ever said to hover around the dignity 
of Ava, His Majesty would retire on our approach at an un- 
questionable speed to the jungle regions. Were he to get 
among that strange and mysterious race, the Shans, they 
might deliver him up any day to us for five thousand pieces 
of silver; or, owing .him a grudge for past injuries received, 
they might seek to annihilate the dynasty of Alompra in de- 
stroying him and all his followers. Siam would rejoice at the 
annihilation ; and this, in some way or other, at no very distant 
period must take place. We shall, no doubt, be quite ready 
for the coup d'etat! for we shall have been prepared for it 
by the prudent policy of the Governor- General of India in the 
Second Burmese War. 

But even if the King should forego the intention of flight, 
there is, in the opinion of Lord Dalhousie, " no hope whatever 
of his signing such a treaty as the Committee has required.'^ 
Even at Ava he would not consent to " cede the fairest portion 



291 

of his kingdom to us, and confine himself for the future to 
forest and barren hills," No peace^ therefore^ will have been 
concluded ; and why, at the present time, should we be " en- 
cumbered with four hundred miles of additional territory, with 
enhanced expenses and disproportionate returns^'? With 
regard to what was stated by the Secret Committee, that with 
the mere annexation and occupation of Pegu the Government 
would be under the necessity of constantly maintaining a 
force upon a war footing in that district for its defence, the 
Governor- General remarks — " I hold a treaty of any kind with 
the Burmese to be so valueless, that the conclusion of one 
would not induce me to keep one regiment less in Pegu 
than if there were no treaty.* . . . Nor would the force 
be kept on a ' war footing ' if there were no treaty, any more 
than if it were negotiated. ... By long- established prac- 
tice all troops crossing the sea receive the higher allowances ; 
wherefore, for the present at least, and until a great change be 
made, the higher allowances could not be withheld, from the 
troops in Pegu.-'-' 

Lord Dalhousie brings forward the case of the Ameer Dost 
Mahommed Khan in 1849, when he entered the Punjaub in arms 
against the British Government, and occupied Peshawur, After 
the surrender of the Sikhs, the Dost was chased out of the 
country, and the province was occupied by the British. The 
Gover nor- GeneraFs policy not to enter into any treaty with him 
was approved of by the Committee. The people of the Punjab, 
or elsewhere, did not consider our power one whit the less para- 
mount because a treaty was not concluded with the wily Dost. 

But to proceed : — " The occupation of Pegu does, in my 
judgment/^ writes his Lordship, " afi"ord reparation for the 
past, and will give effectual security for the future. The phy- 
sical and commercial advantages that would accompany the 



* These remarks of his Lordship are of great political importance at the 
present time (1879). 

19 * 



292 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

possession of Pegu by the Britisli Government were set forth 
in the Minute of the 30th of June. The enquiries which have 
been sedulously made since that time tend, as far as they go, 
to confirm the safe and moderate estimate which stated the 
revenues of Pegu at 25 lakhs a year. The annexation of a terri- 
tory in perpetuity, producing the revenue above named, and sus- 
ceptible of great and various improvement, will certainly pay 
for all the cost of its occupation and government, and fully 
reimburse the State for all the charges of the present war.'-* 

With respect to security for peace in the future, the loss of 
Pegu deprives the Burmese of the sinews of war, for it im- 
poverishes the treasury of the Court of Ava, and takes the 
means of raising many soldiers on the " conscript " system out 
of their hands. "If the Burmese should, nevertheless,^' says 
the Governor- General, " collect an army for attack, after the 
declared annexation of Pegu, we could desire nothing better. 
The frontier of Prome is not extensive. Its central portion is 
filled by the Galadzet mountains, covered with jungle and desti- 
tute of water, which are as impassable to the Burmese army as 
to us. The valley of Prome and the valley of Toungoo are the 
only points of attack. . . . If the Burmese should attempt 
to attack with an army, its destruction, if it will stand, or its 
total dispersion if it breaks, would be the certain consequence. 
. . . Still, for some time, they may harass the border by 
guerilla inroads." But, with the aid of a friendly population, 
this frontier skirmishing would very soon cease. It would die 
away. The Court of Ava would silently acquiesce in its loss^ 
'' though it would not openly assent to a cession." 

Having arrived at this point — and writing from Toungoo 
(or Tonghoo), — it may here be remarked, that we believe the 
difiiculty of crossing the Galadzet mountains to be greatly ex- 
aggerated, as far as a British force is concerned. We think if 
a Baron Humboldt were asked his opinion, he would say that 
where there were mountains and jungles there must be water. 
The passage across, of course, would take time. And was it 



LOED DALHOUSIe's POLICY. 293 

now to be regretted that wlien General Steel arrived at this 
station he did not urge an endeavour to reach Prome. With fifty 
elephants, the Irregular Cavalry, two light guns, and one company 
of European Infantry, the General, an excellent horseman, might 
have rivalled Napoleon crossing the Alps. The feat would have 
astonished General Godwin, who would probably have resolved 
on walking a considerable part of the distance ; for although 
some seven or eight years older than our Madras General, the 
pedestrian agility of the Chief of the Army of Burma had often 
astonished far younger men ! 

Asking pardon for this digression, let us now attend to the 
Governor-General's assertion, that " if my anticipations should 
not be fulfilled, — and if, notwithstanding the superiority, which 
they cannot deny, and the risk, which they cannot fail to re- 
cognise, the Burmese should really dispute our possession, still 
I earnestly contend that an onward territorial movement 
should be avoided to the last. . . . Though I am strongly 
opposed to an advance on Ava, followed by a retirement to 
Prome, I would advise that even that costly military operation 
should be undertaken before Burma be made and declared a 
British possession." And now comes what, in our humble 
opinion, is the finest passage in the despatch : — " But if, after 
all, peace cannot be procured by any thing short of the con- 
quest of Burma; if the lapse of time and the course of 
events shall establish a real necessity for advance, then let us 
advance, — let us fulfil the destiny which there, as elsewhere, 
will have compelled us forward in spite of our own wishes, and 
let us reconcile ourselves to a course which will then have no 
alternative. Having made every honest exertion to stand fast, 
we shall go on with a clear conscience — with motives unim- 
peached ; and we may rest tranquil as to the ultimate result." 
The Minute then proceeds to consider matter already set forth 
in the " Proclamation " chapter of this Abstract. A letter 
should be addressed to the King of Burma, "reciting more 
fully the object and the results of the war." According to the 



294 OUR BTTRMESE WARS. 

desire of the Committee, or with the object of giving effect to 
their orders, the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the 
States is to be proposed to the King. " If the Court of Ava 
desires to secure itself from further assaults by the Power 
which it has found itself wholly unable to resist, it will cause 
the proper officers, duly accredited on its part, to repair to 
Prome, within one month from the dispatch of the letter to 
the King from that place, there to sign a treaty by which the 
province of Pegu shall be ceded to the British Government, 
and relations of friendship shall be renewed/^ The proba- 
bility of the letter in question not reaching the King now 
occurs to the mind of the Governor- General. European officers 
would, perhaps, meet with immediate death on its delivery. 
No Burman would undertake to be the bearer. The Lord of 
the White Elephant holds heads but cheap in Ava ! But, 
through the wise measure of distributing large numbers of 
copies of the Proclamation over the country, the King will 
hear of annexation "though the letter should never reach 
him.^^ The Secret Committee are then informed that the Go- 
vernor-General in Council has selected Captain Phayre, the 
present Commissioner of Arakan, to be Commissioner of Pegu ; 
that everything is in preparation for the establishment of a 
civil government in the new province ; and that all will come 
into operation as soon as the Proclamation of Annexation " shall 
have been publicly promulgated.''^ 

We have now endeavoured to set before the reader the lead- 
ing points of Lord Dalhousie^s policy, in as brief a space as 
was compatible with doing justice to his Minutes and the last 
extraordinary despatch. This document of November 3, 1852, 
is distinguished by three leading qualities — decision of cha- 
racter, a desire of economy, and the wish to show that a para- 
mount Power can afford wisely to act with moderation under 
very difficult circumstances. The difficulties for a statesman 
to contend with in this Burmese war were indeed great. 
Who will deny 'that the pilot weathered the storm well, as 



LORD DALHOUSIE*S POLICY. 295 

he did before in other quarters in troublous times ? Who will 
deny him a place beside such Governors- General as the Marquis 
Wellesley, Lord William Bentinck, and Lord Hardinge ? 

On the 23rd of December 1853^ the Secret Committee replied 
to the Governor- General in Council. They approve of the 
course the Governor- General proposes to pursue. "We should 
deplore/' say they, "the necessity of further conquest^ and 
we strongly feel the very serious objections to the annexation 
of any other portion of the Burman Empire.^' The Committee 
"see with satisfaction^ by the Minute of Sir John Littler, 
whose military experience entitles his opinion to great con- 
sideration, that he does not estimate the difficulties of an 
advance upon Ava as being of so grave a character as to pre- 
sent a material obstacle to the adoption of that course, if it 
should be rendered necessary by the persevering hostility of the 
Burmese." Sir John advocated an advance on Ava without an 
occupation. It is probable that General Godwin entertained 
the same idea in September 1852, when he made his speech at 
the Artillery dinner. And none could be more natural for a 
military man to entertain, who, from the very nature of his 
profession, is calculated to look more at the immediate effect 
and glory of a thing than at the after consequences. Yet, for 
anything we know, the two Generals may have well considered 
the future, after planting the British standard on the battle- 
ments of Ava ! 

The Governor-GeneraFs letter to His Majesty the King of 
Ava is dated November 16, 1852. It is simply the Proclamation 
in detail ; but there is important matter regarding the treaty 
by which the conquered province of Pegu was to be ceded to 
the Government of India. Should His Majesty's accredited 
officers sign, then the Government of India, on its part, " will 
bind itself to renew relations of friendship with your Majesty, 
and to grant liberty to trade in security within the British terri- 
tories to your Majesty's subjects, permitting the usual trade 
and supplies of your kingdom to pass its frontier in Pegu_, on 



OtJE BUEMESE WAES. 

the payment of sucli moderate duties as it may fix." The 
following is the 

DRAFT OF TREATY. 

Treaty of Peace between the Honourable East India Com- 
pany^ on the one part^ and His Majesty the King of Ava^ on the 
other; settled by His Excellency Commodore G. R. Lambert, 
Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty^s Naval Force in the 
East Indies, Major-General Henry Godwin, C.B., commanding 
the British Forces in Ava, and Captain Arthur Purves Phayre, 
Commissioner of Pegu, on the part of the Honourable Company ; 
and by , on the part 

of the King of Ava ; who have each communicated to the other 
their full powers. 



There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the 
Honourable East India Company, on the one part, and His 
Majesty the King of Ava, on the other. 

ARTICLE II. 

His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the Honourable East 
India Company, in perpetual sovereignty, the Province of Pegu, 
being the territories to the southward of the boundary herein- 
after described, namely : — 

ARTICLE III. 

The Honourable East India Company, and His Majesty the 
King of Ava, will each permit the subjects of the other to carry 
on trade within their respective dominions, and they will give 
to such traders full protection and security. 

ARTICLE IV. 

This Treaty shall be ratified by His Majesty the King of Ava 
within one month ; the British Commissioner engaging that it 



PEOGEESS Ol' aOVEENMENT. 297 

stall be ratified by the Governor- General in Council^ and de- 
livered to the Burmese Commissioners^ within one month^ at 
Prome. 

Done at , this 

day of 185 . 

(1853.) 
Having now related the annexation of a new province to our 
dominions in the East^ and holding the opinion that it is 
highly politic to increase those dominions when we can do so 
with a due regard to our own interests and to those of others, 
we are led, at a time when the government of India forms one 
of the prominent objects of public attention, to muse over the 
progress we have made during a wonderful century of govern- 
ment. If even a Frenchman — ^remembering the scenes of the 
glory of Dupleix, Labourdonnais, Lally, and Bussy — styled 
the government of the East India Company '' one of the most 
glorious works of civilisation/-' why should any of our own 
countrymen, without having weighed the matter, be prone to 
condemn, or simply to wish for change ? In the little city of 
Pondicherry — the Niobe of the French possessions in India — 
the traveller of the present day will probably hear, as the writer 
has heard before him, the intelligent circles of the Paris of the 
East expressing their wonder and admiration on the subject of 
the government of India — " the result of circumstances rather 
than of design " — a piece of machinery surpassing all that 
could be devised by the most cunning legislator — a system 
which could not wisely be replaced by any other. It is plea- 
sant to know that the country in which so many of our desti- 
nies are cast has made considerable progress under the East 
India Company. This government, it has been well expressed, 
" is extraordinary in its design, singular in its conduct ^•'j* it is 
a system pursued among a strange people who like not sudden 

* "History of tlie British Conquests in India/' by Horace St. John, 



298 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

innovations^ millions of whom seem to persist in remaining 
" unchangeable in the midst of change ! " Who that knows 
aught concerning India and her people will not agree with the 
remark * that " Europe and South America, if not India, have 
had quite enough of governments by design — of governments 
not the results of circumstances, but of theories ; and we should 
be sorry were India the prey of constitution-makers ! " Modify 
and correct if you will, but do not attack in order to destroy. 
The attempt carries failure in the face of it, as sure as ever 
failure was, or ever will be ! f 

It is to be hoped that even in a quarter of a century hence 
a decided progress will be observable among the inhabitants of 
Pegu. As has been said before, there is easier and better 
material to work upon here ; and the Talaings, seeing that we 
have been the means of rescuing them from tyranny and op- 
pression, will no doubt aid us in the general cause of improve- 
ment, when our system of government has fairly begun to work, 
buoyed up with the hope of seeing Pegu rise in its beauty 
again, and themselves, although not an independent, at least a 
peaceful and happy nation ! 

Upon our occupation of the Tenasserim provinces after the 
first war, we are informed that our rule commenced very 
properly, " by disturbing as little as possible the systems of 
revenue, police, and justice, to which the people had been ac- 
customed under their Burmese rulers.^' By the Burmese the 
chief portion of the State revenue derived from land, was levied 
in kind ; and one-fourth of the crop of rice was nominally 
the share claimed by the Government. J But, on account of 
the distance of the southern provinces from Ava, the Burmese 

* " Economist." 

t No sensible man will venture to deny to Her Majesty's Government, 
during the last twenty years, building on the foundation laid by the East India 
Company, the exercise of extreme moderation, and an ardent desire to benefit 
the people of India. (1879.) 

% " Calcutta Review," No. xv. p. 90. That branch of revenue derived from 
teak forests was unknown to the Burmese. 



FISCAL SYSTEM. 299 

governors and their subordinates had a large field for the exer- 
cise of tyranny and exaction. Garden produce^ fruit trees^ 
the farming of fisheries^ town dues^ and other modes of raising 
money^ likewise yielded revenue for the State as well as for 
the governors. [The officers appointed by our Government 
are the Commissioner^ his assistants^ the Tseekays^ and the 
Goung Gyouks.] Witbx the exception of taking revenue from 
the land in kind^ the above fiscal system was adopted by 
us ; from which period the revenue system of the Tenasserim 
provinces^ apparently for some years, went through so many 
fluctuations and errors as to impress us with the idea that a 
Colonel Readj with his assistant Munro (afterwards the great 
Sir Thomas) were much wanted in this corner of our do- 
minions in the East. There is no saying what these lords of 
the Eyotwari system^ and masters in all relating to land 
revenue, would have done under the circumstances; but, 
doubtless, they would have done something — have invented 
some mode of raising a just revenue which should at least 
bring the territory nearer paying its civil and military expenses 
than has hitherto been attained.* It would now appear, not- 
withstanding a similar drawback to these provinces — that of a 
scanty population — reasonable to expect that Pegu, with all its 
natural advantages, will not eventually disappoint the Govern- 
ment ; there is every chance of a speedy increase of population ; 
and even in a few years, with judicious management, guided 
by experience, which qualities distinguish the head of Pegu's 
Government, this once ancient kingdom may furnish a fair and 
sufficient revenue for every purpose. The Commissioner of 



* Major Broadfoot, tte hero who fell at Moodkee, altered the whole fiscal 
system of the provinces, "substituting a fixed money paymient in lieu of the 
levy of one foiirth of the grain in kind or commuted in money ; he abolished 
taxes on trees and garden produce, and those on turtle-banks and fisheries ; in 
place of the latter he established a species of poll-tax, so regulated that a 
cultivator paid about one-third of what was exacted from a non-cultivator." — 
" Calcutta Review." 



300 OtTR StJRMESE WARS. 

the Tenasserim and Martabau provinces, whose jurisdiction now 
includes a portion of Pegu to the eastward, as far as Shwe- 
gyeen, will also have an admirable field for the development of 
his talents in the endeavour to bring his now extensive terri- 
tory into a prosperous and paying condition. As regards the 
commercial capital of Pegu, the ground-rent of Rangoon 
alone, it was said, would furnish no inconsiderable source of 
income. Captain Phayre had already begun to lay the founda- 
tion of a healthy and wealthy metropolis of Eastern Asia. 
And now, towards the close of this narrative, it comes as a sort 
of duty to notice a fallacy recently put forth in England, — 
nothing less than the assertion that "■ each new acquisition had 
added to our debt, and has impoverished India.^^ 

In the account of the revenues and charges of the Punjab 
and Trans-Indus territory for 1840-1850, and the succeeding 
year, we find a surplus of upwards of sixty lakhs of rupees. 
If we deduct from this what is styled " an extra military ex- 
penditure " of thirty lakhs — much of which would have been 
expended had annexation never taken place — there is then a 
clear surplus of thirty lakhs ! The last accounts of the same 
territory give a surplus of about half a million sterling, subject 
to the same deductions. Should very minute statisticians give 
no weight to the fact that had we not annexed the Punjab we 
would have had to watch it, consequently a large army to pay, 
without deriving any revenue from that territory ? Supposing 
that Government, in the case of Pegu, had not annexed — had 
simply been contented with striking a blow; allowing that 
Burmese arrogance always goes on in an increasing arithmeti- 
cal progression, would not Maulmain and Arakan have re- 
mained constant themes of anxiety and expense? There could 
be nothing so efi'ective as taking away the " sinews of war " 
from a country like Ava ! And this could only be done by 
annexation ! Had the resources of Ava, by such a stroke of 
policy, been crippled in 1836, it is highly probable there would 
have been no Second Burmese War in 1853. 



AN EASTERN EMPIRE. 301 

Again^ a popular writer advised,, shortly after we were settled 
at Rangoon^ tliat the army should be withdrawn from Burma, 
and that we should retire to Calcutta " with as little loss of 
time as possible " ; thus attempting to destroy the prestige of 
the power of that very Empire which he afterwards so ele- 
gantly styled " the most splendid dominion under the sun ! ^' 

We are thankful to have some writers in India able and 
willing to expose such absurdities as have just been alluded to ; 
and it is only to be regretted that these are not more uni- 
versally read in England. But we are not always perfect in our 
views of matters^ even in the Eastern quarter of the universe. 
Our esteemed Indian Quarterly* put forth a fallacy or two 
which were commented on by one of the Calcutta journals. The 
annexation of Pegu^ thought the reviewer^ would be followed 
" by the rapid establishment of an Eastern Empire.^^ This was 
aU very well — Who did not hope it might ? But after giving 
England new possessions^ in addition to Pegu^ such as the Shan 
States and the Gulf of Siam^ and having established his empire^ 
he was of opinion that such acquisitions would not pay. It 
was sufficient to assert that we did not see why an " Eastern 
Empire " should speedily follow the annexation of Pegu ; but 
if such should take place, we maintained that the said " Empire " 
would not only pay, if properly managed, but afford a consider- 
able surplus to the future Emperors ! t 

On the 20th of June a letter arrived, having been brought 
across the Galadzet mountains from Prome in six days, a 
distance of at least one hundred and twenty miles, making the 
runner^s trip at the rate of twenty miles a day. General 
Godwin was about to start for Meaday, and then move south- 
ward and complete his tour of inspection at the various military 
posts — which steps seemed to augur, on our part, a decided 
termination to the war. 

* "Calcutta Review," September 1852. 

t Pegu has partly fulfilled this prophecy in the funds she has already fur- 
nished to the Imperial exchequer. {Note in 1879.) — See notes in ' Papers,' No. III. 



302 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

But all doubt on tlie latter point was put an end to by tbe 
arrival of news at the end of June^ to the effect that an Am- 
bassador had arrived at Prome with a message from the King 
of Ava, stating that although he would not sign away any of 
his territory he would nevertheless allow us to remain in the 
country^ and would give orders to his generals not to molest 
us; — and that he wished the blockade on the Irawady with- 
drawn^ and a free trade to be established between the two 
nations ! We should have been inclined to consider this a 
piece of consummate crafty had it not been a well-known fact 
that the unfortunate people to the northward were starving — 
that traffic had almost ceased — that taxes of course could not 
be paid^ — and that if such a state of things continued, the 
remnant of the glory of Ava^s kingdom must soon depart 
without the necessity of our moving one mile from Meaday. 

We deem it necessary to make special mention here of the 
admirable measures adopted for enabling us to defeat any 
attempt of the Burmese to recover a position in the Aeng Pass 
or its vicinity. Captain NuthalFs gallant surprise of the Aeng 
stockade * was followed up by a garrison there. The Toungoo 
Pass being also garrisoned, British communication via Arakan^ 
was brought to within three days' journey from Prome. " From 
the crest of the Nareghain Pass/-" writes an officer, " the valley 
and course of the Irawady are distinctly visible, and present a 
very beautiful and interesting sight/' Two officers were em- 
ployed to survey these Passes, which were to become ^'the 
main line of communication between Prome, the upper part of 
Pegu, and Calcutta/' And, in a few years, we hoped to see the 
Governor-General of India, by means of electric telegraph, in 
communication with Prome and Meaday ! Truly, what might 
we soon expect to see the wizard — Science — leave undone? 



* See " Pegu," cliap. xiv. p. 207. On tMs occasion Captain Nutliall and two 
sepoys were wounded. 



LIBEEATED PEISONEES — MR. QUINN. 308 

The magic wires will speak, — announce a kingdom-'s fall, or 
utter forth a kingdom's prosperity, — tell from Europe of an 
Emperor's ambitious views, or herald forth an approaching 
revolution ; all these things were likely enough to be tele- 
graphed in Eastern Asia ! How different from the time when 
Sir A. Campbell showed his foresight by ordering a body of 
men to Aeng under Captain Eoss, to pioneer the way for any 
future force, as the Aeng road over the Arakan mountains had 
not been explored by any officer of General Morrison's unfor- 
tunate army ! However, we should even be grateful to that 
army, for through it the Burmese lost Arakan on the 1st of 
April 1825. It was now declared that there was not a single 
stockade to be seen all the way from Meaday to Aval 

Among the Christian prisoners who had been liberated by 
Prince Mengdoon in his struggle for the throne of the Golden 
Foot, were two Catholic priests ; a Mr. Spiers, formerly captain 
of a vessel at Rangoon ; and Mr, Conductor Quinn, attached 
to the Bengal Ordnance Department. The last was an extra- 
ordinary man. There is always something to create a vast 
interest in the mind about the circumstance of a prisoner of 
war. Here was a man who strayed beyond the safe boundary 
at Prome, probably '^ whistling as he went for want of thought," 
who believed the presence of an enemy to be a fable. Behold 
him coolly ascending a tree, then employed in getting a spy- 
glass to the proper focus, then surveying the surrounding 
country in the most consummate self-confidence ! The Bur- 
mese observe him — he is surrounded — becomes a prisoner of 
war — and is led off in triumph to Ava. He refuses food — 
even kicks away the proffered meal — he is but a poor prisoner 
— his heart is sick — he is about to die. He reaches Ava. As 
a stroke of conciliation with the British, the successful Prince 
releases the conductor, and once more the hitherto unfor- 
tunate man is a child of the glorious goddess Liberty ! 
Who would not be a prisoner of war for such a brilliant con- 
summation? 



304 OTJE BURMESE WARS. 

Having thus remarked concerning prisoners o£ war, one is 
led to think of a concluding event of the former campaigns, 
just before the Treaty of Yandaboo was signed and sealed. 
The reader will probably recollect the arrival of a deputation 
and treasure from Ava, also of Dr. Price, with the Judsons and 
other prisoners. The British camp at Yandaboo boasted one 
tent containing Mr. and Mrs. Judson. While Mr. Judson^s 
life was in the power of a cruel and sanguinary Court, the 
amiable wife was debarred from seeing her husband. While he 
remained in prison she supplied him with food, " occasionally 
contriving to communicate with him by hiding a slip of paper 
in the spout of a teapot ; and at one period, the prisoners having 
been moved to a place of confinement several miles from Ava, 
she followed, and took up her abode in a miserable hut, where 
to escape insult, she assumed the Burman attire." ^ We have 
no "^ romance ^^ like this to write about in the Second War; and 
perhaps it is as well. 

As Sir Archibald Campbell and General Godwin are the only 
two British Generals to whose lot it has yet fallen to conduct 
a war in these regions, it may not be deemed uninteresting, in 
conclusion, to note a few circumstances regarding each, with 
respect to their high command. 

Sir A. Campbell, having distinguished himself in the Penin- 
sula, where he commanded a division of the Portuguese army, 
was appointed to the* Army of Ava some twelve or fourteen 
years after he had won his European laurels. General Godwin, 
who, as Lieutenant-Colonel of a Queen^s regiment, had served 
under him in the East, having distinguished himself in the Ava 
campaigns, was appointed to a similar command about twenty- 
six years after that war which has been so vividly narrated by 
Trant and Havelock, and so correctly by Professor Wilson. t 



* " Two Years in Ava." 

t Captain Doveton's " Reminiscences of the Burmese War in 1824-5-6,' 
another work of interest. 



GBNEEALS UAMPEELL AND GODWIN. 305 

With Sir A. Campbell there was European military experience 
to guide the war^ which could not possibly include a practical 
knowledge of how to work Europeans and sepoys together ; and 
the latter not having been supported by European infantry and 
a well-directed fire of artillery was the cause^ every one knows, 
of such decided and bloody repulses as our troops met with at 
Kykloo and Wattegaum (Watty -go on) . With his European 
regiments there was much to admire in Sir A. Campbell as a 
soldier, but he knew nothing of Native Infantry. And putting 
the qualifications of the sepoy out of the question — even as a 
political stroke of wisdom never to give our native troops in the 
East a chance of being shown oflF to disadvantage — this want 
of knowledge was of serious consequence. General Godwin, 
although a Queen^s ofl&cer, throughout the operations of the 
Second War, proved himself well aware of the advantages to 
be derived from using the sepoy. In no instance did he 
allow the natives to advance ineffectively supported by Euro- 
peans ; and thus supported, they really did admirably at Ran- 
goon, Bassein, and Pegu, to say nothing of Donabew, and 
several minor afiairs. Even in his greatest error — that of 
leaving Pegu with too small a garrison after its capture — more 
than half of that small but gaUant band was composed of 
Europeans. The sepoy could not have been better supported ; 
and no doubt he would have aided in slaying the Burmese 
wholesale, by the side of the European, had an opportunity 
offered, even against the thousands of infuriated warriors who 
surrounded the pagoda. 

Before Sir A. CampbelPs army was sent to Rangoon, a 
supposition was entertained that should an advance on Ava be 
necessary it might be accomplished by embarking i^e troops in 
Burmese boats, which would reach the city of Ava"^ in three 
or four months. It never occurred to those who dictated this 



* A distance of about 500 miles, 

20 



306 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

line of operations that the Burmese might have the means of 
withholding from us the resources of the country, on which it 
would be necessary in such a movement to place great depen- 
dence. Having selected E,angoon as the chief point of attack, 
it was also thought that the Burmese would submit on hearing 
of the fall of the famous city built by Alompra. 

Twenty-eight years after, on General Godwin^s arrival with a 
splendid array of steamers and comparatively few transports, 
subsequent to the '' brilliant feat of arms " which placed Ran- 
goon in our possession, a speedy advance on the capital was 
declared by many to be the only mode of bringing matters to 
a conclusion. Again, little thought was given to the proba- 
bility of the Burmese cutting off our supplies, or withholding 
the resources of the country, or to the fact that but very few 
of the steamers were suitable for such an advance. In the 
case of both generals public expectation was filled with the idea 
of a brilliant and speedy termination to the war. The dis- 
tinguished Peninsula officer was expected to bring about all 
this in the first war, and all-powerful steam was to do every- 
thing that was needful in the second. We say all-powerful 
steam, for it was believed by many, from no knowledge of the 
Commander, but from sheer assumption on the score of years, 
that General Godwin, in spite of his Burmese experience, would 
be fit for nothing — that he would be " simply in the way.'' 
Age is a personal business with which the public have nothing 
whatever to do. For no other crime than that of having lived 
a little longer than most men through the changing scenes of 
life, volleys of abuse were discharged in England against our 
gallant General, and that, too, before he was put to the test. 
Even the philanthropic spirit of "a noble and learned lord'' 
opposed to the war, was roused to give utterance to the liberal 
sentiment that the General's appointment to command the 
expedition was a very proper one. He was acquainted practi- 
cally and personally with Burma, he had already obtained 
distinction there, and it was therefore likely that he would 



GENERALS CAMPBELL AND GODWIN. 307 

carry on the war with greater advantage than any other officer. 
Who among us would object to a command^ should he have 
the good fortune to enjoy what Dryden styles " a green old 
age " — a youth renewed like the eagle's ? We do not advocate 
the employment of old generals as a safe rule in the army*; 
they do not always boast that matured judgment for which 
they get credit; but when strong recommendations in their 
favour appear_, it is very hard and unfair that^ without having 
been weighed in the balance^ they should be declaimed as want- 
ing ! Sir A. Campbell had the good fortune to steer clear of 
all such calumny at the period of his appointment. Then 
public feeling in England against war was not so violent as it 
is at present. The national advantages obtained by Waterloo 
were being reaped in abundance. In India the Mahratta Power 
had only a few years before been subdued ; and in the case o£ 
a Burmese war it was merely turning the course from the west 
to the extreme east. When the Burmese authorities had 
written to the Marquis of Hastings^ asserting their right to the 
Province of Bengal, we had no Punjab — no Sind — under our 
government. Altogether, the times were more favourable to 
the First Burmese War than the Second. Far less shackled, if 
shackled at all, than General Godwin, and with a new and 
determined enemy. Sir A. Campbell had also frequent oppor- 
tunities of displaying that persevering enterprise which the 
British always admire, and than which, when discreetly used, 
nothing can be more worthy of admiration. General Godwin 
had not so many opportunities. The efficiency of steam aided 
in rendering the opening campaign of the Second Burmese 
War truly brilliant. It would seem, therefore, that no satis- 
factory comparison can be instituted between the two com- 
manders, under the circumstances. The health of the troops. 



* Nor of old admirals in the Navy, as has been already remarked regarding 
Admiral Austin. 

20 * 



308 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

jn comparison with the former campaigns, shows to great 
advantage. We behold no army perishing in the swamps of 
Arakan from the want of the commander's experience of the 
climate. As far as hardships and the want of supplies are 
concerned, we are not too proud to yield the palm to the former 
Army of Ava. The first war was a far longer and more 
tedious one than the second ; and it was declared to end " in a 
manner highly honourable to the British Government.-" As 
regards the expenditure of life and treasure, "look on this 
picture and on this ! " As regards energy and military capacity^ 
it is pleasant to turn to pictures of the two chiefs, — to the one 
with the eye of the past, when we behold him busy at work 
preparing to retrieve what we had lost by the repulse at Do- 
nabew,* and again at the final action of Pagahm Mew, a city 
of former splendour, where he directed the column in person 
against the Infernal King f ; to the other with the eye of the 
present, when we behold him in his general's cap and plume, 
while so many were suffering from the terrific heat of the sun, 
as active as the younger men on the field on the 12th of April, 
while fighting our way towards the great pagoda, — in all his 
prompt energy during the bustle and preparation for the relief 
of Pegu, — and again, when directing the assault against that 
capital's noble temple. In both cases we have true soldiers 
anxious to serve their country faithfully and well. The result 
of the Second Burmese War is infinitely more satisfactory than 
that of the First. Great Britain, for the first time, secured 
a firm footing in Eastern Asia. The link between our posses- 



* The news of this was forwarded by Lientenaut-Uolonel Godwin, H. M.'s 
41st, in a quill, to headquarters. 

t "The King of Hell," as he was styled, the Grolden Foot's last resource as 
a commander. The battle of Pagahm Mew was fought on the 9th of Feb- 
ruary 1826. It was nearly bloodless on our side, and fifty-five pieces of 
artillery were captured. This was the last action of the First Burmese 
War.— See Part I., p. 55. 



GOOD HOPES FOR THE FUTURE. 309 

sions on the Ganges and the vast Hindu-Chinese regions had 
been rendered complete. A mighty work was done — a great 
political triumph had been accomplished ! Should destiny impel 
us forward, a few years in Pegu would make us quite ready 
for the service. Before that time arrived it was probable the 
King of Ava would be in every sense a strenuous advocate for 
free trade. Some enterprising members of the British Senate 
may even travel this way, and expound some new and unheard 
of principles of political economy to His Majesty of the Golden 
Foot and the Golden Ear ! ^ (1853.) 



* It must, with regret, be affirmed that, as regards free trade, our sanguine 
hopes have not been realised (October 1879). For continuation of narrative 
to the month of February 1854, see "Pegu," p. 380. — Keeping to the order 
of events, we shall here make a few remarks to render our Abstract as com- 
plete an possible. At Toungoo — where for some time the writer was the only 
artilleiy officer in command — Mr. Mason, of the American Baptist Mission, 
paid us a visit. He thought well of the annexation of the country. It was 
of no common interest to talk with the author of the " Fauna, Flora, and 
Minerals of Burma," perhaps, after Judson, the most distinguished missionary 
that ever came to the land of the Golden Foot. In his famous work he thus 
describes the Amherstia, which he first saw in all its native grace and beauty 
at Maulmain, and which is considered the finest indigenous tree of Chin-India. 
" It is of low stature, with slender pendulous branches clustered under its 
tufted summit of lively green, and draperied with large pea-blossom shaped 
flowers of brilliant red and yellow, which hang down from its graceful branches 
in tassels more than a yard long. It was discovered by Dr. "Wallich, on the 
Salween, near Trockla, and named by him ^after the Governor- General's lady, 
' the noble Amherstia.' " We notice in his work on Burma that General 
Fytche, following the doctor's example, has named a beautiful Burmese 
creeper after himself — Dendrobium Fytchianum — a fine illustration of which 
will be found at page 297, vol. i. In Burma there is scarcely a tree without 
its attendant creeper. — On the 14th of December (1853), the Governor- General, 
Lord Dalhousie, paid his second visit to Rangoon. He found the city prosperous, 
and happiness and prosperity everywhere ; also that articles paying duty in 
November and December, amounted in value to eleven lakhs of rupees (one 
hundred and ten thousand pounds sterling) — a good return from exports and 
imports in such a short space of time. His lordship next steamed up the 
Irawady to Prome and Meaday, on his mission of peace. At the latter place 
he made a pithy speech, and was the chief actor in the settlement of the 
boundary of the new Province. The pillar, he said, was to be a mark of the 
British possessions for ever and ever ! Our Toungoo boundary was to be in a 



310 OUR BURMESE WARS. 



NOTIFICATION. 

Fort- William, Foreign Department, 
the 30th June 1853. 
In the Proclamation by which the Province of Pegu was an- 
nexed to the British dominions in the East, the Governor- 
General in Council declared that he desired no further conquest 
in Burma, and was willing to consent that hostilities should 
cease. Thereafter the Burman troops were everywhere 
withdrawn. The King was dethroned by his brother, the 
Mengdoon Prince, and an Envoy was sent from Ava to sue for 
peace. The Burman Envoy — confessing their inability to 
resist the power of the British Government, and submissively 
soliciting its forbearance — announced his willingness to sign a 
Treaty in accordance with the Proclamation, objecting only to 
the frontier being placed at Meaday. The Government of 
India, while it maintained its undoubted right to fix the 
frontier where it had been placed, at the same time gave signal 
proof of the sincerity of its desire for the renewal of friendly 
relations between the States ; for, in the hope of at once con- 
cluding a treaty of | cace, the Governor-General in Council 
consented to withdraw the frontier from Meaday, and to place 
it, in strict conformity to the most literal wording of the 
Proclamation, immediately to the northward of Prome and 
Toungoo, — cities which have been described at all times as 
within the northern limits of Pegu, in the official records of 
transactions between the two States. 

But when this concession was oiFered, the Burman Envoy, 



straight line with the point chosen six miles north of Meaday, — Our march to 
Myo-Khla — forty-two miles north of Toungoo — has been alluded to elsewhere. 
At this time it looked as if a Third Burmese War were about to commence — 
although the Burmese knew we had now a direct land movement on Ava in 
our power on one side, and a water movement by means of light craft on the 
Irawady on the other. With such means we could circumvent the Empire ! 



GOVERNMENT NOTIFICATION. 311 

wholly receding from his previous declarations, refused to 
assent to any Treaty by which a cession of territory should be 
made. Hereupon the negotiations were at once broken off. 
The frontier of the British territories was finally fixed to the 
northward of Meaday and Toungoo, and the Envoy was 
directed to quit the camp. 

The Envoy proceeded to the capital, whence he has now 
conveyed to the Government of India the sentiments and pro- 
posals of the Court of Ava. 

The King expresses his desire for the cessation of war. The 
King announces that " orders have been issued to the governors 
of districts not to allow the Burmese troops to attack the 
territories of Meaday and Toungoo, in which the British Go- 
vernment has placed its garrisons.^' Furthermore, the King 
has set at liberty the British subjects who had been carried 
prisoners to Ava ; and he has expressed his wish that " the 
merchants and people of both countries should be allowed, in 
accordance with former friendship, to pass up and down the 
river for the purpose of trading. ^^ Mindful of the assurance he 
gave that hostilities would not be resumed so long as the 
Court of Ava refrained from disputing our quiet possession of 
the Province of Pegu, the Governor- General in Council is 
willing to accept these pacific declarations and acts of the 
King as a substantial proof of his acquiescence in the proposed 
conditions of peace, although a formal Treaty has not been 
concluded : Wherefore the Governor-General in Council permits 
the raising of the river blockade, consenting to the renewal of 
former intercourse with Ava, and now proclaims the restora- 
tion of peace. The Army of Ava will no longer be maintained 
on a war establishment. At the same time, a force will be 
permanently retained in Pegu amply adequate for its defence 
and fuUy prepared for the event of war. The Governor- 
General in Council, while he announced the successive events 
of the war, has gladly seized each fitting occasion for bestowing 
promptly on the several officers whose services were mentioned 



312 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

with distinction, the cordial thanks and approbation of the 
Government of India. His Lordship in Council deems it un- 
necessary now to repeat in detail acknowledgments of individual 
merit that are still so recent ; but he cannot close the record 
of this war without again conveying to the Services generally 
an assurance of the admiration with which he has viewed the 
combined exertions, whereby, under God's good providence, 
the supremacy of our power in the East has once more been 
asserted and upheld. [Then follow [^thanks, naming the higher 
officers.] 

In testimony of the sense that is entertained of the services 
and conduct of the combined Force, the Governor-General in 
Council is pleased to direct that a donation of six months' 
batta shall be issued to all the officers, non-commissioned 
officers, and men of the several Naval and Military Forces that 
have been employed during the progress of the war with 
Burma. And it shall be the further care of the Governor- 
General in Council to bring their services and conduct under 
the special notice, and to commend them to the most favour- 
able consideration, of Her Majesty's Government and of the 
Honourable Court of Directors. 

By Order of the Most Noble the Governor-General in 
Council, 

(Signed) J. P. Grant, 

Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 

At the termination of hostilities (1853) the troops were 
quartered at the following stations and out-posts : — 



Rangoon. 


Shwe-gyeen. 


Shwe Doung. 


Yandoon. 


TOUNGOO. 


Padoung-Mew. 


Bassein. 


Maulmain. 


TOMBOO. 


Pegu. 


Prome. 


Henzada. 


SiTTANG. 


Meaday. 


DONABEW. 



Grand total actually present, — 346 European officers ; 177 
Native officers ; 4,334 European non-commissioned officers and 



THE ARMY IN PEGU. 313 

men ; 8,242 Native non-commissioned officers and men, — in 
aU 13,099. 

The army was divided into two divisional commands, held 
by Brigadier- General Sir John Cheape at Prome, and by 
Brigadier-General Steel at Rangoon. The Staff of each Divi- 
sion was to remain — a highly prudent arrangement — until the 
new territory became perfectly secure on the frontier. The 
army being now distributed over Pegu, recalled the memorable 
words of the Governor- General in his Despatch of 3rd Novem- 
ber : — " By the annexation of Pegu we hold in the easy grasp 
of our hand the kernel of the Burman Empire. Why should 
we, by the occupation of Ava, encumber ourselves with an 
armful of worthless rind ? But if, after all, peace cannot be 
procured by anything short of the conquest of Burma ; if the 

LAPSE OF TIME AND THE COURSE OF EVENTS SHALL ESTABLISH A 

REAL NECESSITY for advaucc, THEN LET US ADVANCE.^'' Mean- 
while we hoped that our new possession — extending beyond 
the 19th parallel of latitude — a fertile country more than twice 
the size of Holland, with a friendly and unwarlike people — 
would rise to a high state of prosperity, without " encumber- 
ing ourselves with an armful of worthless rind ! " 

Troops in Pegu, &c. 
1864. 
Head-quarters : — Eangoon — No. 1 Battery, 20th Brigade, 
Eoyal Artillery ; H. M.'s 60th Rifles (3rd Battalion) ; 28th 
Regiment Madras Native Infantry. Thayet-Myoo — G Bat- 
tery, 23rd Brigade, Royal Artillery; H. M.^s 19th Regiment of 
Foot ; 5th Regiment Madras Native Infantry. Toungoo — No. 
5 Battery, 20th Brigade, Royal Artillery ; 3rd Regiment Madras 
Light Infantry. Shwe-gyeen— Two companies 3rd Regiment 
Light Infantry. Maulmain — 9th Regiment Madras Native In- 
fantry. Port Blair, Andamans — One company Sappers and 
Miners ; one company Madras Native Infantry, (The Arakan 
Battalion had been abolished, and Police substituted.) 



314 



OUE BURMESE WARS. 



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316 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

Lord Dalhousie's Autograph Letter to Major Hill, on the 
Defence of Pegu. 

The author thinks it a fitting conclusion to a chapter con- 
taining remarks on Lord Dalhousie's policy to present his 
readers with a copy of the original letter forwarded by the 
Governor- General to Major Hill, after the gallant defence of 
Pegu.* This epistle by the great Pro-consul and ready writer 
has never before been published ; and it will be of additional 
interest at a time when " Isandula " and " Roorke's Drift " are 
fresh in the memories of all true Britons — showing that the 
British arms are always gallantly displayed, in all ages. Such 
a letter also enhances the great importance Government at- 
tached to the defence : — 

Government House, July 19, 1853. 

SiE, — It afforded me much satisfaction some months ago to 
offer to you, on the part of the Government of India, an expres- 
sion of the approbation with which it regarded your gallant defence 
of your post at Pegu, against an overwhelming Burman force. I 
have still greater satisfaction now, in having the means of proving 
the sincerity of the admiration which was expressed, by rewarding 
the services which called it forth. 

The command of the Gwalior Contingent is vacant. It com- 
prises two regiments of Cavalry, seven regiments of Infantry, 
and four Field Batteries ; its allowances are to be 2000 rupees 
a month ; the climate is excellent, and the position is altogether 
more coveted than any other which the Governor- General has to 
bestow. 

If it should suit your views to accept this command, I shall feel 



* The above letter has been alluded to at page 235, after the " Investment 
of Pegu." Major Hill, we may here note, had served in the First Burmese 
War ; and, as Ensign in the Madras European Regiment, was present at the 
fall and occupation of Rangoon, 1824, and at the assault of stockades at 
Kemmendine in the same year. He served also at the escalade of Panlang, 
in 1825, and was engaged in the first assault on, and the second attack of, 
Donabew. The gallant young subaltern, therefore, had been taught in a good 
yet severe school to prepare him for his future grand achievement. 



LOED DALHOUSIE's LETTER. 317 

a great and real pleasure in bestowing it upon you : and I beg 
you to regard the act as being at once a testimony to your dis- 
tinguished personal merit, and a compliment to the gallant force 
you led so well, and a mark of respect to the army of the Presidency 
to which you belong. 

I would beg that if you should accept my offer, you will, never- 
theless, remain in command of your corps, until final arrangements 
shall be made for the distribution of forces in Pegu after the mon- 
soon. 

Let me add that my selection of you for this command has not 
prevented my soliciting the consideration of the Honourable Court, 
and of Her Majesty's Government, for the services of yourself and 
others at Pegu, in marked and special terms. 

I have the honor to be, Sir, 

Tour obedient Servant, 

(Signed) Dalhottsie. 
Major Hill, let Madras Fusiliers, Tonghoo. 



338 OUR BTJRMESB WARS. 



PART IT 



VARIOUS PAPERS ON BURMA. 



I. 

View of the Condition of Burma in 1854-55. 

" Peace is that harmony in the state, that health is in the body." 

Lord Clarendon's "Essays." 

Towards the close of the year 1854;^ it became generally known 
in Rangoon that the Burmese were about to gild anew the 
great Shwe Dagoung (Dagon) Pagoda.* This momentous event 
in the annals of the Golden Land^ it naturally struck us, 
would be no inconsiderable proof of Burmese prosperity under 
British rule. And while among the men, women, and chil- 
dren of this interesting land, the news became rife that the 
grand temple dedicated to Gautama was to shine forth in fuU 
splendour again, a royal salute was fired by British soldiers 
from the upper terrace of that very temple, in honour of the 
great victory gained by the allied forces on the banks of the Alma 
— the first, as it seemed, of a series of blows about to be aimed 



* We have heard " Dagoung " translated " world's end" ; Pagoda is from 
the Persian " but-kada," "idol temple " ; hence " pagoda "is an easy transi- 
tion. 



BURMA IN 1864-55. 319 

at Russian despotism. The Burmese, as usual^ wondered at 
the cause of the firing. Could there be any analogy between 
Artillery and Religion ? The salute could not be in honour of 
Gautama ? At length some were told^ and others divined^ that 
a victory was the cause of the firing. The old Phongyee (priest), 
with yellow garb, turned a wistful glance to the great pagoda, 
as the smoke vanished from the landscape : the little Phongyee, 
clinging to his garments, would surely see some great charge 
in his native land, before he attained the age of his sacred 
sire ; at present, they had the first or great change, security 
under a new and liberal government. Everything breathed of 
security ; and the contemplative Phongyee even began to forget 
that he might have, without our conquest, become a miserable 
victim of feudal days, while he gained from the Rangoon 
authorities, on the asking, permission to place, with a view to 
gilding, the unique and highly ingenious scafiblding of his 
country around the exterior of the vast and solemn pile.* 
Thus, in a matter of considerable moment, did we humour the 
Burmese people ; although some short-sighted reformers would 
infinitely have preferred our pulling down the noble edifice and 
selling the bricks ! Such people have never yet aided, and 
never will aid, the cause of Civilisation or Christianity in the 
East by too hasty action. Conciliation must ever form the 
basis of our Eastern policy. 

In February 1855, the writer, after nearly three years resi- 
dence in the country, left Burma f j and the Burmese people, 

* See note at tlie end of this Paper. 

t He returned again in 1864, when he had the honour, on the recommenda- 
tion of the Chief Commissioner, Colonel Phayre, C.B. (now Sir A. P. Phayre, 
K.C.S.I.), of being appointed the first Inspector of Civil Schools in British 
Bni-ma. As superintendent of army schools, Madras Presidency, the writer 
again visited Burma in 1868, when he inspected the school of H.M.'s 24th 
Regiment, giving the men a lecture on Charles XII. of Sweden ; and many 
of the gallant fellows afterwards displayed the true courage of the "Iron 
King" in the eventful Cape War (1879). 

With reference to Education in Pegu, Sir Arthur Phayre did his utmost to 
give the inhabitants a national system, founded on the best principles. 



320 0(JE BURMESE WARS. 

there is every reason to believe^ were then greatly pleased at 
the change of masters. Discontented growlers there were, as 
there are everywhere ; but there was, in the opinion of many 
a close observer, no general discontent in the country. Among 
other peaceful events in the East, 1854 was remarkable as the 
year in which Indian and Burmese specimens of art and in- 
dustry were procured for the Paris Exhibition of 1855. Peace 
had indeed begun to assert her triumphant reign — Peace, the 
greatest ornament and comfort that can be conferred upon 
states. 

We shall now proceed to take a very brief view of the con- 
dition of Burma shortly after the conquest of Pegu, which 
condition, as Macchiavelli said is occasionally the case with a 
man, it is easier to understand than to define. It may aid 
our purpose if we commence by condensing some facts, at the 
time well known, relative to an embassy from Ava. We should 
like to possess the discerning powers of some moral philosophers 
who have in days gone by dissected for you, on paper, a co- 
quette's head, or given you a lecture on the probable position 
or quantity of a fop's brain, — that we might penetrate into, or 
examine, the heads of the Burmese Envoys on their arrival in 
Calcutta. 

Not having the graphic powers of a Theophrastus or an 
Addison, we must simply content ourselves with beholding in 
the " mind's eye " the mental machinery of the Burmese 
Envoys on their landing at Baboo's Ghat,* under a salute, 
and while they proceeded in the Governor- General of India's 
carriage to the fort. 

" With such a splendid city, such a ' residence of Merchant 
Kings,' what can the British possibly want with Pegu ? Let 
us exceed the bounds of our mission and ask back the Province. 
The ' strangers ' having taken our territory, how can friendship 



Tuesday, November 28tii, 1854. 



BURMA IN 1854-55. 321 

exist between us ? If they wish for peace, they must give us 
back Pegu. This is Burman custom.''' So, perhaps, whis- 
pered the principal Envoy * to the most astute and clever of 
his five companions when they became fairly settled in their 
strange abode. 

Some amusing anecdotes regarding the Burmese Envoys 
were current in Kangoon, one of which was that the Dalla 
Woon (Minister) believed the greater portion of the guns of 
Fort William to be wooden, until the sound of the metal proved 
them to be genuine iron. Again, with regard to the Envoys, 
it was said that the rooms of the Government House in which 
they were located, furnished with many necessary European 
comforts, did not at all meet with their approbation. The 
rooms were too large, and the walls too white ; and they 
longed for the real Burman house, and the close curtain to half 
suffocate themselves in, and dream of Pya -(Gautama). So 
much for what some Orientals think of the civilisation of the 
West. In Pegu, however, we found it amusing to meet with 
people of the country using English washing-basins, tumblers, 
bowls, and even decanters, for wrong purposes— proving, at 
least, that they hold our manufactures in great esteem. 

On Monday, the 11th December, Calcutta was enlivened by 
the brilliant spectacle of the reception of the Burmese Envoys 
in the marble hall of Government House. Everything was 
done to render the scene as impressive as possible. The 
Governor- General was there, and all the grand dignitaries of 
the City of Palaces. The Chief Envoy advanced to the throne 
with his own credentials and the royal letter from the Golden 
Foot of Ava. 

Then there was a conversation, through Major Phayre, the 
Commissioner of Pegu, who acted as interpreter. Gifts, curious 
and valuable, were then presented and received by our Govern- 
ment and the Ambassadors. After a short time, passed in 

* The old Dalla Woon, who was ruler of Dalla at the commencement of the 
war in April 1852. 

21 



322 OUE BUEMESB WAES. 

conversation, tlie Envoys returned to their carriages; and, 
under the shade of many umbrellas, were soon conveyed to 
their mansion in the fort, and again secluded from the curious 
gaze of a motley Calcutta world. 

To cultivate friendship with the paramount power now na- 
turally seemed to all to be the grand object of the Embassy. 

At night, the ndts (fairies) of the Golden Land appeared 
to one of the Envoys in a dream, while, disdaining the sump- 
tuous couch prepared for him, he lay comfortably on the 
floor.* These Glendoveers (good spirits) of the Gautamaic 
creed, who 

" In sportive flight were floating round and round,"f 

prompted him to take advantage of British good nature, and 
ask back the Province of Pegu. — On Saturday, the 33rd of 
December, the parting interview took place. It was a business 
interview of the most important nature. The Burmese Envoy 
at length boldly proclaimed that he had come, by command of 
the King of Ava, to seek restitution of the whole of the cap- 
tured provinces in Burma ! The political gun had exploded ; 
but with no deleterious effc(;t. The Governor-General, as was 
his wont, stood calm and collected ; and his answer, through 
the interpreter (Major Phayre), to this cool request was — 
"Tell them, that as long as the Sun shines in the Heavens, 
THE British Flag shall wave over those Possessions.^' — 
Lord Dalhousie's reply was considered by a few gentle diplo- 
matists to partake rather too much of the " Cambyses vein " ; 
but this was a complete mistake. Nothing could have been 
milder with the slightest pretension to decision of character. 



* Ludicrous as it must appear, this position may easily have been realised, 
if we are to believe the assertion of a writer who evidently knew something 
about the matter, " They (the Envoys) passed much of their time shivering 
in the morning, looking wretched during the day, and (disdaining the bed) 
building themselves up on the floor at night." Goldsmith's " Chinese Philo- 
sopher" was infinitely more in his element in London. 

+ Southey's " Curse of Kehama." 



BURMA IN 1854-55. 323 

or upholding the dignity of the British Government. And 
when, in after ages^ men will search in Burma^s history for 
aught " to point a moral, or adorn a tale/' they will say, as we 
do now, and as other candid actors in the Burmese theatre of 
past events must be compelled to say, it would be difficult 
to imagine any reply more dignified or suitable than such an 
irrevocable, immutable, and final decision of the Governor- 
General. — On Thursday, the 28th December, the Burmese 
Woongees, with their suite and accompanied by Major Phayre, 
took their departure in the Hon. Company's steamer "Sesostris" 
for Rangoon and Ava. 

After this important visit, a return Mission from our 
Government proceeded to Ava "^ (sometimes styled the Golden 
City), the results of which, doubtless, under the able conduct 
of Major Phayre, were highly beneficial to the Eastern world. 
We can imagine the feelings of regret with which, at the close 
of the Pirst Burmese War, the British soldier turned his back 
upon the capital of Alompra, when only three marches from 
the city. But notwithstanding the patched-up and unsatis- 
factory treaty of peace concluded at Yandaboo,t it is perhaps 
as well we did not advance on and destroy the capital ; for Ava 
is as dear to the Burman as London is to the Briton. And our 
noble forbearance then, as in the Second Burmese War, must 
have taught the people that even an Oriental despot might be 
permitted to govern his subjects, if he could govern them well. 
Under the reigning king it seemed possible that this good 
government might be secured. He appeared to manifest a 
friendly disposition towards the British, although we had 
deprived him of Pegu ; and, while sorely feeling the loss of 
such a fine province, it was now generally believed that he did not 
authorise the Envoys from his Court to ask its cession. % It was 

* See Captain H. Yule's " Narrative of a Mission to Ava in 1855." 
t February 1826. 

X It was believed by many, on the Mission departing for Calcutta, tbat tbe 
Envoy would ask back the port of Baesein, and Meng-don, a principality of 

21 * 



324 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

a Mission to cement friendship, and it was nothing more. This 
was the brightest and most satisfactory side of the question, 
although there was nothing extraordinary in a Burmese king 
asking back from strangers, since he declared that he was not 
the erring party, the glorious conquest of his ancestors. He 
was soon said to be improving his kingdom of Ava in trade 
and in agriculture ; the best thing he could do, since the de- 
cision had gone forth, " irrevocable, immutable, and final,''^ 
that Pegu was ours for ever 1 

It may now be well to state that the condition of our new 
conquest in Eastern Asia, in 1854, was, considering the time 
Pegu had been ours, truly marvellous. The sudden rise of 
Rangoon, from a dirty town, to a flourishing commercial 
capital, well laid out, — with its picturesque military canton- 
ments, adorned with so many neat houses and excellent roads ; 
its newly erected assembly rooms, with the general look of comfort 
the town was beginning to wear, — seemed, as it were, a tran- 
sition from darkness into light. Let us turn to Rangoon at the 
end of 1854, and, comparing it with what the town was nearly 
three years before, we may well say, " Look on this picture, and 
on this.-*' Before, misery and starvation were to be seen in many 
a countenance, while the small army of " men and boys, the 
matron and the maid,^'' proceeded to pay their devotions to 
the god of their ancestors at his celebrated shrine. Now, well 
dressed crowds, in holiday attire, — the Burmese ladies, fresh 
from Vanity Fair, shining forth, as Goldsmith has it, " in all 
the glaring trickery of dress,-" proud rather than otherwise to be 
gazed at by the English strangers, — wend their way to Gau- 
tama''s temple. And silently working for the conversion of our 
new subjects, behold the amiable Protestant missionary, with 



Ava. — To this note we may add (1879) that the present King takes his name 
from Thee-bau — some seventy or eighty miles to the east of Mandalay — the 
same way as the late King did from Meng-don. It is the custom to name the 
princes of the Royal House after Principalities, the revenues of which are 
generally given them " to eat" — in some c?-,es also, we presume, to drink! 



BUEMA IN 1854-56. 325 

his not less amiable wife^ surrounded by Karens, Talaings, and 
other tribes, paving the way, should peace continue, for the 
exclamation of delighted surprise from the charmed and arrested 
traveller, when he shall hear throughout Pegu the '' hum of 
missionary schools,'''' and regale himself with the " lovely spec- 
tacle of peaceful and Christian villages.'' 

And again, silently working, behold the disciples of the 
Church of Rome — the Church, as Lord Macaulay says, " with 
the principle of life still strong within her/'' There she is with 
her funds and her chapels, her persuasive priests, and her 
wonderful management, silently working in Burma, as she has 
long done in China ; causing us more than ever to say, 
" When we reflect on the tremendous assaults which she has 
survived, we find it difficult to conceive in what way she is 
to perish."* 

And silently working in the region of Science, now comes 
forth that wonder of wonders, which is now fast progressing in 
Pegu— the Electric Telegraph. Through this mighty agent the 
Governor of Bengal will eventually receive intelligence from 
Pegu in two or three hours. May we hope that the telegraphic 
message may never be an announcement of the Russians pour- 
ing down in Northern Burma ! With good roads, and the 
electric telegraph, if they do come, what need we care if the 
Indian Army be kept up to the requisite European strength ? 
Then, to the three Presidencies it is simply 

" A word — and tlie impiilse is given ; 
A touch — and the mission has sped ;— 
Hurrah ! 'tis the best conjuration 
That Science, the wizard, has done ! 
Through me nation speaks unto nation. 
Till are are united in one." 



* Macaulay's "Essays" — Eanke's History of the Popes. — "During the 
reign of Louis XIV. several splendid attempts were made to propagate the 
doctrines of the Church of Eome, and advance the interests of the French 
nation in the kingdom of Siam ; but little is related of Ava or Pegu." 



326 OUE BTJEMESE WABS. 

Campbell declares, in his " Pleasures of Hope/' — 

" The world was sad ! — the garden was a wild ! 
And man, the hermit, sigh'd — till woman smiled ! " 

And not the least important light in the picture of civilisation 
was now the appearance of so many European ladies in Pegu. 
The resources of the new province were in course of develop- 
ment, regarding which the Mission to Ava would probably 
furnish us with more information. Coal_, it was said, had been 
discovered on the Irawady, of excellent quality, — a discovery of 
infinite importance to the Government and steam navigation. 
Of course, in a few years, Pegu will have its railway. Then 
there is the new port at the mouth of the Bassein river, new 
Bassein,* which would do an immense grain trade. Turn what 
way we wished, the condition of Burma in 1854, more par- 
ticularly Pegu, was highly gratifying. If dacoits were severely 
and summarily dealt with, dacoity would soon be rare in the 
land. But it must ever be remembered that this crime is, 
like Thuggism in India, indigenous to the country. Many 
persons hoped for an abrogation of the frontier duties ; but the 
security of a new conquest must be maintained with money, 
and taxation is the order of the day throughout the world. 
So much, then, for the condition of Burma, at a time when 
Government began wisely to think, in the words of Plutarch, 
that it sufficed not to conquer alone — " Victory must be made 
profitable.'^ — [The frontier duties were abrogated in 1863.] 



NOTES. 

Gilding the Great Pagoda. 

The Burmese mode of erecting the scaffolding around the Great 

Pagoda struck us as being most ingenious. Every one assisted in 

bringing material for the huge frame-work. Even the women, in 

* Or Dalhousie, so styled, of course, after the celebrated Marquis. [It is 
situated some sixty miles below Bassein, near the mouth of the river ; but, on 
account of extensive flowing a few years since, was ruined, and is now (1864) 
abandoned as a station.] 



GILDING THE GEE AT PAGODA. 327 

holiday attire — with the glittering nadoung (ear-ring) and the 
gold chain — came forth to assist in the religious duty. Many 
females and young children were to be seen wandering from Kem- 
mendine ; first with bamboos, and eventually with chatties of 
water, requisite for cleaning the temple before the operation of 
gilding. A strong foundation being made, the bamboo frame- 
work gradually ascended to a height of more than three hundred 
feet, to the astonishment of the inhabitants of Rangoon. The 
huge pile then resembled a temple of wicker-work, admirably pre- 
serving the bell-like form of a portion of the structure, beside 
which the colossal human images used by the Druids of old in 
their sacrifices would have made an appropriate ornament. The 
exterior of the temple was not touched by the general frame- 
work, allowing space suflB,cient for a man to perform the opera- 
tion of gilding, which, from the curious arrangement of the 
bamboo, he could do in perfect safety. The scaffolding was 
brought to the base of the tee (umbrella) ; and through a tele- 
scope it was interesting to observe what might form a striking 
picture of the huge pile. First, you beheld the parapet, then the 
dark fan-like palms, then the old dark base rings of the pagoda, 
then the bamboo-work (which was eventually covered with mats), 
then the gorgeous tee of Gautama, for the time divested of its 
gold and silver bells. In the great tee, we heard, there were 
about six hundred silver bells, twenty of pinchbeck, and fifteen 
of gold. One of the gold bells was found to be six pounds in 
weight, with a golden leaf,* as usual, attached to the tongue, 
a present from the late King Tharawadi's daughter. Some of 
the silver bells weighed seventeen pounds and a half. Each 
bell was inscribed with the name of the donor, and some of the 
small gold bells were adorned with jewels. Each bell was attached 
to the rich gilt tee by a hook ; and no difficulty was experienced in 
handing down the bells, which was done by arranging a string of 
men from the tee to the base, a select few who were allowed to 
touch the precious offerings. On the completion of the gilding, the 
bells were to be restored to their former position. 

The gilding, which was only to extend to the upper portion 
of the pagoda, was just commencing when the writer left Burma, 



* " Waving golden leaves attached to tinkling bells, rich gold work, all so 
strictly protected by tbe golden ' tee,' draw f ortb admiration." — Narrative. 



328 OUR BURMESE WARS. . 

and the expense, defrayed by a Burmese subscription, was esti- 
mated at between forty thousand and fifty thousand rupees 
(four thousand five hundred pounds). According to Havelock, 
the glittering coating of the temple was last renewed in 1817, 
if we recollect right, at a much less cost. [The height of the 
pagoda, as before remarked, is upwards of three hundred and 
twenty-one feet. The terrace on which it stands is about nine 
hundred feet long, and six hundred and eighty-five feet broad ; it 
is elevated above the inferior terrace by a wall fifteen feet high. 
Shwe Dagon is encircled, at some distance, by smaller pagodas, all 
possessing more or less beauty. The scene from the upper terrace 
is most imposing ; either by moonlight, with huge grotesque faces 
peering out upon you ; or in the broad day, when the golden 
summits of the temples are glittering in the fiery sun.] 



II. 

Sparsenkss of Population and Health of the 
Indigenous Eaces."^ 

Spabseness of population anywhere is a serious subject. It 
suggests various trains of thought to the mind. Emigration, 
caused by bitter want and local distress, — emigration, caused 
by cruel wars and oppression ; increase of mortality from 
neglect of women and children (the latter in early infancy) — 
may turn us at once, with regard to emigrants or people forced 
to leave their homes, to think of the " Deserted Village " of 
Goldsmith ; and again, in the realms of poetry, to " Evangeline, 



* This paper is a portion of a review of Reports on the Health and Popula- 
tion of the Indigenous Races of British Burma, ordered by Colonel (Sir 
Arthur) Phayre. The writer received the following kind note, when the Chief 
Commissioner had done him the honour to peruse his paper : — " Accept my 
best thanks for your very interesting chapter on the Health of the Indigenous 
Peoples of British Burma. I feel assured that your work will be read with 
deep interest, and have no doubt will cause the country to be known and 
appreciated in quarters where otherwise it never would have been heard of." — 
Under the title of " The Conquest of Pegu," the author had intended to pub- 
lish his two Narratives in one volume, while at Rangoon, in 1864. 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 329 

a Tale of Arcadie " ; while^ with reference to the management 
of infancy, we turn in prose to where a chief evil existing in 
Burma has the remedy at once suggested, by simply going back 
eighty years to wise old Benjamin Franklin, who wrote on early 
marriages, holding forth their advantages in a rising country to 
his " Dear Jack " : — " By these early marriages we are blessed 
with more children ; and from the mode among us, founded by 
nature, of every mother suckling and nursing her own child, 
more of them are raised. Thence the swift progress of population 
among us, unparalleled in Europe." Such was an opinion on 
the cause of a large population in America by a philosopher, 
whose penetrating eye nothing could escape, the best informed 
man of his time. Turning from Franklin, who could write an 
essay on a whistle, teach the city of Paris, by statistics, the 
economy of using '^' sunshine instead of candles '^ ; who could 
ascertain the nature of lightning by the most simple means, 
and then treat the subject of population — all with equal facility 
— we arrive at the second page of the interesting brochure on 
which we now intend to make a few brief remarks, furnishing 
also a portion of what is valuable therein, and thus forming 
what may be considered a fitting chapter in the history of the 
" Conquest of Pegu." 

From the " Report by the Medical Officer of Ramree "* 
(Mr. Thomas), we learn, with reference to Burmese women and 
children, that " there is a pernicious practice prevalent among 
the people of giving unnatural food to infants at a very early 
age. The natural aliment of the child is the mother's milk, 
but scarcely is a Burmese child a week old, when boiled rice is 
taken into the mouth by the mother, or by any other female 
relative, and is chewed into a pulp, and with this pulp the poor 
little creature is daily fed." 

Another evil is now noticed — want of clothing. '' A dis- 



* District of Eamree is in Arakan. 



330 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

regard to cleanliness is an evil also, and the want of proper 
ventilation in the houses is no less so. Burmese medicine, I 
may add, is very rude, and all these combined operate with 
deleterious influence on human life ; and although the people 
o£ British Burma may have fine houses and plenty of grain 
food with numerous children born to them, still will the nu- 
merical bulk of the nation be affected as long as the people 
cleave to this " (alluding also to the absurd treatment of the 
woman and child on the occasion of a birth) " barbarous 
mode of treating their women and children/^ 

Few people will deny the truth of the remark, that a greater 
number of children all over the world do not annually die at 
birth, is in itself a wonder. We read, in one of Dr. Combe's 
treatises, of the care required in Great Britain to rear even a 
healthy infant."^ We should like to know what he of the 
present, or Dr. Hunter of the last century would have said to 
the indiscriminate use of the cold bath, followed up by quick 
firing, or the '' roasting plan," for the mother, and '' pulpy 
chewed rice " for the small particle of humanity just appeared 
on the stage ! Hunter would have called his man John (this 
was the name of his favourite servant) immediately, and, 
doubtless, would have said to him, " Hang at every Burmese 
threshold my three rules for the rearing of healthy children, — 

PLENTY OP MILK, PLENTY OF SLEEP, AND PLENTY OF FLANNEL ! " 

These the celebrated John Hunter has handed down to posterity. 
With the observation of such rules, our wonder would no longer 
increase at the fewness of deaths among Burmese and other 
children of the East. Colonel Phayre inquiresf why the 
people of British Burma, possessing all those circumstances 
which are considered favourable to increase of population, are 



* Combe says that " between a tliird and a half of all the children ushered 
into the world die within the first five years after birth." 

f In his "Memorandum on the Sparseness of Population in British 
Burma." 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 331 

not more numerous than we now find them ? among the cir- 
cumstances considered favourable, enumerating '^ natural fertility 
of soilj general healthiness of climate, the use of rice as the 
chief article of food, the non-oppressive character of the Go- 
vernment under which the people reside, and their descent 
from the same stock as the prolific Chinese." In the Chief 
Commissioner's opinion, " the following appear to be the most 
obvious remedies against disease and the number of early 
deaths, which there is reason to conclude occur among the 
indigenous races of Burma. These are vaccination, improved 
sanitary arrangements, the establishment of dispensaries, and 
instruction of natives of the country in the science of medi- 
cine " ; and, since the Reports now under consideration were 
written, "measures have been adopted for commencing the 
above plan.'' In fact, the famous saying of the American 
essayist,* '' To think is to act ! " has been wisely carried out 
during our British policy in Burma. And we all know that 
the grand requisite for a political officer in the East is decision 
of character, of that nature which the eloquent pen of John 
Foster has described, without which he is nothing, or, locally 
speaking, worse than nothing ! In the " Report " from the pen 
of Colonel Fytche,t he writes to the Chief Commissioner : — *^In 
a beautiful and fertile country like Burma, and inhabited by 
such a robust race, the sparseness of its population must strike 
the most indifferent person with surprise. The most generally 
received idea regarding this scarcity of population is, I believe, 
the great mortality of children between five and fifteen years of 
age. This, however, I imagine to be a popular error, for since 
we have taken possession of Tenasserim and Arakan, the 
country being freed from either internecine or foreign wars, 
and the people allowed to settle quietly down in towns and 
villages, the population has increased much more than two-fold; 



* Emmerson. 

t Commissioner of Tenasserim. 



332 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

the official returns showing a term of about thirty years as the 
period within which the population has doubled itself, and 
which does not by any means compare unfavourably with the 
increase of either any European or Asiatic race we are ac- 
quainted with/' 

According to this Commissioner, then, devastating hostilities 
or remorseless wars appear as the chief causes of a scarcity of 
population for the past, while, from a practical knowledge of 
the subject, gained by many years residence in Burma, he 
holds out great hopes for the present, or for the country under 
British rule. Regarding the '' chronic state of internecine 
warfare '' in Burma, one or two facts may be here brought 
forward. The oppression of the Talaings (or Peguers) by the 
Burmese is known to the reader of history. The Talaings, 
long oppressed after their conquest by the Burmese, became 
special objects of hatred when the British forces unhappily 
withdrew from Pegu in 1826, leaving the Peguers, our friends 
during the First Burmese War, to Burman vengeance and 
cruelty. The subsequent years, till British annexation in 1853, 
witnessed increasing severities ; " and the race is now greatly 
diminished.^' But, prior to our first war with Burma, not only 
cruelty, and oppression, and murder thinned the fertile pro- 
vinces of the Delta, but emigration did its work in a very 
considerable degree. This, of course, was caused by cruelties 
practised. Deing Woon, who delighted in the sight of gibbeted 
or crucified bodies, it is said, caused the emigration of some 
twenty thousand families of Peguese into Siam, which, although 
enduring far better treatment, they feel to this day is not the 
land of their fathers. It is little more than fifty years since 
that the condition of the interior of Ava became equally de- 
plorable with that of the river banks. Villages and towns were 
everywhere deserted ; robbers and insurgents ranged about the 
country, and " many of the harassed inhabitants, at the risk of 
their lives, openly expressed their wishes that the English 
would either take the country or allow them to migrate to 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 333 

Bengal." These facts alone, which we have derived from 
various sources, prove how much reason upholds Colonel 
Fytche's argument regarding the sparseness of population in 
Burma. Turning to the history of British colonisation also, we 
find a reduction of population from various significant causes. 
In Virginia, for instance, the first colony in which we settled 
in America, the tribes were originally strong enough so destroy 
three separate and powerful bodies of colonists, who acted like 
brutal invaders, after being received with a welcome. But 
their thousands of warriors of 1607 were reduced two-thirds 
in sixty-two years " by our spirituous liquors, by our diseases, 
by our wars, and by an abridgment of territory, fatal to a 
people who lived much on the spontaneous productions of 
nature." In twenty years more they were quite weakened; 
and, at the end of the next century, nearly all had perished. 
Wars and a consequent abridgment of territory here pro- 
ducing sparseness of population, again support the views of 
Colonel Fytche; while it is curious to remark that, by the 
invasion of Virginia we ruined the population, through the 
conquest of Pegu we have increased, and are going on steadily 
increasing it ! 

Doubtless, we have made vast improvement in the way of 
ordering matters in a new country. This becomes evident 
from simply reading about Virginia — a country '' purchased," 
in " unexceptionable form," to use the words of Jefiferson,* by 
the English, whose reserved districts were "kept from en- 
croachment by the authority of the laws, and who usually had 
white protectors to watch over their interests.^'' We ponder 
and inquire. How could almost extinction be the 'fate of a 
people who were so cherished ? We know of no other answer 
to this question but that of an improved system of colonisation. 



* " Notes on Virginia," quoted by S. Bannister in his " British Colonisa- 
tion," &c. 



334 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

or of our manner of conduct after conquest ; and this has been 
admirably exemplified in the conquest of Pegu. 

Causes of the decay in numbers in Burma, before we an- 
nexed Pegu, now become susceptible of a simple solution : — 
the whole made clear from the "interesting and useful reports'' 
furnished to the Chief Commissioner — Colonel Fytche believing 
" that mortality is not greater amongst the people of British 
Burma than in other Asiatic countries " ; and he has no doubt 
that " the establishment of dispensaries throughout the country, 
with properly educated practitioners, would considerably de- 
crease the mortality now existing/' True enough, he considers 
that time and civilisation alone must teach the people. 

Dr. Donnelly, Civil Surgeon of Mergui, furnishes a very 
interesting report. He is the grand adv^ocate for properly 
educated practitioners in the science of medicine. The best of 
the Burmese students who have passed the prescribed exami- 
nation, in the opinion of Dr. Donnelly, should be selected to 
fill all those hospital appointments at present held by natives 
of India, — who, having few feelings or sympathies in common 
with the Burmese, never obtain their respect or their confi- 
dence, — to take charge of village dispensaries and to act as 
vaccinators throughout the district. With a few and inex- 
pensive changes, the doctor thinks, we could do much towards 
lessening the present rate of mortality. 

Dr. Marr, Civil Surgeon of Maulmain, likewise strongly 
advocates the extension of vaccination, and the establishment 
of dispensaries throughout the country, in charge of properly 
educated practitioners. Alluding to the mortality of Burmese 
infants, from causes similar to those we have before alluded to, 
this medical officer brings forth a curious fact, which we 
believe may be applied to the children of all Asiatic nations, 
that they get through the process of dentition with greater 
facility than European children. 

Dr. A. J. Cowie, Civil Surgeon of Rangoon, furnishes a most 
elaborate and valuable report on the sparseness of population 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 335 

in British Burma. The learned surgeon takes a very compre- 
hensive view of the subject, worthy of one holding such a 
situation as his at the great commercial capital. But, on one 
or two points, we either do not quite understand him, or his 
opinion appears to be rather sudden. For instance, he cites 
wars and bad governments as one of the given chief causes for 
a sparseness of population, the truth of which he proceeds to 
examine. " Could we attribute sparseness of population," he 
says, " to successive and great wars, then surely we could 
expect to find a great preponderance of women over men, which 
is not the case."' Now we are of opinion that men, women, 
and children, in countries without the light of civilisation, suffer 
nearly equally by war — internecine wars especially producing 
the desire of mutual extermination. Warlike gentlemen such as 
Messrs. Deing Woon, Generals Roung-Roung and Bandoola in 
the first, and such as Myat-htoon in the second Burmese war, 
would think little of sparing woman and child in their tiger- 
like thirst for blood. Doubtless, they frequently thought how 
much sooner the cause would be won by taking " all the little 
chickens and their dam at one fell swoop ! " 

No finer touch of human nature is to be found in literature 
than when Macduff, hearing of the murder of his wife and 
children, inquires of the messenger — " Did you say all ? " 
Nature is nearly the same in all countries ; and this pathetic 
question from the genius of Shakspeare has often rung through 
the Burman vales and forests ! 

In 1812, we read, the Viceroy of Pegu "monopolised the 
supply of cofi&ns " ; and very well he might have done so if 
his cruelty was nearly equal [to that of the Viceroy, two years 
before, who was ordered up to the Court of Ava with a chain 
round his neck. Opium smoked and spirits drank by the 
troops, and being too lenient, were the charges against him. 
He had taken off too few heads since his arrival in Rangoon. 
A very short time before, this "mild person" had ordered 
twelve men, women, and children, who had deserted from him 



836 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

to an obnoxious rivals to be murdered in a manner that we 
dare not put on paper. The execution of tbe sentence, how- 
ever, was prevented by the " urgent entreaties of the British 
Envoy." Being murdered or starved were too frequently the 
fate of the poor women and children, during peace as well as 
war. Children of various ages were frequently brought to 
Captain Canning (whose mission took place in 1809) whose 
fathers had been driven to the wars, and whom their mothers 
entreated him to accept, " in hopes of procuring for their 
wretched offspring that sustenance which they were unable to 
get for themselves." We have no doubt, if we could collect 
records of the oppressive mode of recruiting the Burman armies 
and of the conduct of the opposing nations'^ during the wars, 
quite enough evidence would appear to show that, during at 
least a century, men, women, and children have suffered 
dreadfully ; especially in Pegu, when the star of Alompra, the 
hunter, became lord of the ascendant ! 

Again, the Civil Surgeon commences his report by remarking 
that "Colonel Phayre has shown us, that the population of 
British Burma was never more numerous than it is at present," 
The Chief Commissioner also commences the section. Popu- 
lation, in his Administrative Report for 1862-63, by stating, 
what deserves the consideration of all rulers, that " the popu- 
lation of British Burma increases rapidly; partly from im- 
migration, and partly, it is to be hoped, from natural causes. 
The causes of the paucity of population in Chin-India remain 
to be ascertained. Increase appears to be an established fact.^' 
Captain Harrison (Deputy Commissioner) writes, regarding the 
Mergui district : — " There is a fair annual increase to the 
population, and when more accurate statistics have been col- 
lected I think it will be found that the increase amounts to 
about twenty or twenty-two per thousand per annum, and at 



Burmese, Chinese, Siamese, and Peguese. 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 337 

this rate the population would double itself in about thirty- 
three "years." Colonel Fytche also mentions increase. We 
have had the Tenasserim Provinces about forty years — Pegu 
not yet twelve; surely^ then^ on the same principles^ there is 
hope for the new conquest ! It appears difficult, therefore, to 
see cause for remarking, after allusion to "wars and bad 
governments''^: — "enough, whether the people increased or 
not, before the advent of British rule, is not to the point — what 
is now keeping the increase of the population in check is the 
difficulty to be solved, for wars can have nothing to say in 
the matter, and the country can boast of a good and just 
Grovernment.''^* If by increase kept in check, non-increase be 
meant, then the author of the report in question has the autho- 
rity of Colonel Brown, Deputy Commissioner, Prome^ to 
support him, — "I am of opinion that the non-increase of the 
population of the country is not solely the effect of any one 
special cause, but that of a combination of influences which 
are in operation at the same time." f The population of 
British Burma, however, does not appear to be stationary, 
but increasing, as already asserted in two cases with statistical 
proof ! 

Dr. Cowie informs us that small-pox in Burma is a much 
milder and far less fatal disease than it is in Great Britain. 
Regarding this disease, Dr. Marr asserts that " epidemics of 
smaU-pox exercise a considerable influence on the population. 
. . . To children unprotected by either vaccination or in- 
oculation, the disease proves very fatal." For not being 
vaccinated, while we write, at least in Rangoon, no one can 
have any excuse ; for all are invited to come to the dispensary 
by the Civil Surgeon, and receive what the genius of Jenner 
provided for them ; and this is announced in Burmese as well 
as in English, in the public journals. Referring to inoculation. 



* Page 37. t Page 74. 

22 



338 OUB BUEMESE WARS. 

Dr. Cowie brings forward an interesting remark which will be 
new to many readers : — " Our greatest living Physician says of 
Lady Mary Wortley Montague — ' We owe the actual intro- 
duction of the practice of inoculation ' — a wise and justifiable 
measure in the absence of vaccination — into Great Britain to 
the good sense and courage of an English lady/^ 

Cholera in Burma is only " an occasional visitant/' and 
seldom severe in its outbreaks. It is not endemic, as in many 
parts of India ; and, writes Dr. Marr, " visits Burma at long 
intervals.''' Of this destroyer, we have thus two valuable me- 
dical opinions, in addition to that of the Chief Commissioner 
(as regarding its destructiveness) , justly coinciding. 

Fevers of the country, opium smoking and eating, housing, 
food, ardent spirits, and a variety of other topics, are all 
touched on by the fertile pen of Dr. Cowie. Regarding 
" Ardent Spirits " — to all military ofiicers a most important 
subject as regards discipline — the Civil Surgeon of Rangoon 
asserts what should shame many a European who boasts of 
enlightenment and civilisation ! " I have not yet, in all my 
experience, met with a case of ' delirium tremens ' among the 
Burmese ; and I will venture to say, that no other medical man 
who has resided in this country ever has either. The Burmese are 
not at all given to drunkenness.'' Dr. Cowie concludes a most 
interesting report, extending to fifty-three sections, with the 
remark, which has been so often applied to advocate the cause 
of Female Education in India : — " It is through the women 
that we must expect to reform the Burmese, and they are 
under the influence of the Phongyees ! " 

Valuable papers from Major Ardagh (Officiating Commis- 
sioner of Pegu), Mr. E. O'Riley, Rev. Mr. Beecher, Dr. Davis, 
Captain M. Lloyd, and others, also throw light on the sparse- 
ness of population in British Burma, forming a valuable col- 
lection of statistics, from which also a good idea of the health 
of the indigenous peoples of the country may be gained. — The 
Andaman Islands (which came under the Government of British 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 339 

Burma about March 1864)^ although extensive^ have a popu- 
lation of less than three thousand original inhabitants. These 
are a singular race, resembling a degenerate race of negroes — 
five feet in height,, eyes small and red, and skin of a deep dull 
black. They are not cannibals, as has been supposed. How 
they came there is not yet decided. They belong, vre believe, 
to the same race as the inhabitants of the Nicobar Islands — 
not a hundred miles distant. But the affinity between the 
people of the Andamans and Nicobars is yet to be established 
by fact. 

The story of the advent of the Andamanites is, that of a ship 
being wrecked while conveying pilgrims to or from Mecca, and 
depositing its strange " cargo " on these islands. But this 
would appear to be more possible than probable. Facts re- 
garding the health and population of these curious people are 
required. Recently a party of officers from Rangoon visited 
the Andamans, and brought away several items of information, 
as well as a few specimens of fish and fossils, interesting to the 
naturalist. Dr. Smith examined some peculiarity about the 
teeth of an Andamanite.* The scenery of the Islands was 
considered to be very beautiful in parts ; the hospitality of 
the Superintendent, Major Ford, was great ; and the party left 
the islands for Rangoon, justly reckoning among the '' green 
spots ■" in memory's waste their visit to the " Cannibal Islands" ! 
— But, to return to the land of Burma. 

After receipt of the Reports on health and population, a 



* On inquiring from our learned and obliging friend, the Deputy Inspector- 
General of Hospitals, wtat this peculiarity was, lie sent us the following 
note : — " The pecuHarity is this : — The Eye-tooth (Dens Cannia) is placed out- 
side, and on a level with the first Bicuspid. Tops of molars worn flat, as in 
all tribes that feed on roots." Inquiring, also, regarding some skulls he had 
brought from the Andamans, Dr. Smith informed us, that the skull is well- 
developed — ^belonging, most likely, to " Negrello," or Dwarf Negroes. 
Another esteemed traveller to the Andamans mentions the absence of the 
receding or monkey forehead ! 

22 * 



340 OUE BUEMESE WABS. 

valuable little pamphlet — " Queries respecting the Human 
Eace, Addressed to Travellers, By a Committee of the British 
Association for the Advancement of Science/' fell into our 
hands. We believe that it was printed by order of the Chief 
Commission er_, in order to obtain reports on the various sub- 
jects from officers in the province. One set of answers, some 
months ago, had been received from Dr. Mason, which were 
considered to be " exceedingly interesting " ; and which we 
trust may be laid before that learned body, the Asiatic Society. 
Regarding this Society, the prophecy of Sir William Jones — the 
motto of their Calcutta journal — has been well fulfilled : — " The 
bounds of its investigation will be the geographical limits of 
Asia ; and within these limits its inquiries will be extended to 
whatever is performed by man or produced by nature.^' In 
their museum in Calcutta (thanks to Mr. Bligh), we saw beasts 
and birds from Burma ; and now, through the researches and 
energy of the Chief Commissioner and others, they have a 
flood, of light thrown on the various interesting races of the 
country ! 

We shall now enrich this rather discursive paper with some 
already published matter on the sparseness of population, and 
other statistical information, commencing with Dr. Mason, who 
has furnished a critique on the Reports. If there be one man 
more qualified than another, not in the medical profession, to 
give an opinion on the health of and sparseness of population 
among the indigenous peoples of British Burma, that man, 
perhaps, is Dr. Mason, of Toungoo. His valuable statistics 
cause us regret, when we read (what would support, regarding 
one race, the views of Dr. Cowie) that the Karens, under the 
most favourable circumstances, are not increasing. But we 
think it will interest many to insert the learned Doctor's 
critical notice entire : — 

" It was a happy thought in the Chief Commissioner to propose 
the inquiries which have produced these Reports. We have thus 
brought together the knowledge of all the men best acquainted 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 341 

witli the subject, from every part of the country. The Reports 
contain a miscellaneous mass of information that may be divided 
into : — 

1. Statistics. These all adding to our knowledge of the country, 
are all valuable. 

2. Plans for obtaiuing more accurate statistics. These are of 
mixed value : some not being quite practicable. 

3. Causes of the sparseness of population. These are somewhat 
contradictory. Those that are valid are exaggerated. A European 
does not suffer by exposing his face to the weather, and the body 
of a native is all face. 

4. Proposals to G-overnment to take measures to preserve the 
population. Perhaps all is here proposed that Government can 
do ; and it is satisfactory to know, from the Chief Commissioner's 
introduction, that arrangements have been made to carry out the 
plans proposed. 

Still it can scarcely be said that the cause of the sparseness 
has been revealed, for most of the causes to which it is attributed 
exist in Hindustan and China, where the population abounds. We 
need in the first instance, accurate and extensive statistics, as a 
basis on which to ascertain the exact state of the question. Since 
the reports pertain principally to the Burmese, we vdll contribute 
an item to the statistics of the Karens in this district. 

In 1869 we took the census of nearly one hundred and fifty 
Christian villages, and found in them about twenty-six thousand 
inhabitants. In 1860 we required the native Assistants to note 
the births and deaths in their villages, and to report annually to 
the Associations. 

This they have done ever since, but, as from one cause or another, 
the Eeports have never been complete, we prefer to call the popula- 
tion reported on, in round numbers, twenty -five thousand. The 
births and deaths for the last four years were reported : — 

1860, Births, 496, rt. 1-90. Deaths, 700, rt. 2-8. 

1861, „ 763, „ 3-05. „ 891, „ 3-56. 

1862, „ 801, „ 3-20. „ 618, „ 2-07. 

1863, „ 669, „ 2-63. „ 644, „ 2-67. 



Average, Birth-rate 2-69. Death-rate 2-75. 

The churches report also annnally the number of baptized Chris- 
tians that have died during the year, and as few are baptized under 



342 



OUR BUEMBSE WARS. 



fifteen years of age, we thus obtain tlie death-rate of a class of 
the population, exclusive of children. The returns for the last 
nine years are : — 



1855 


Of 2,010 


baptized, 


64 died. 


Eate 3-1.. 


1856 


„ 2,660 


» 


93 


j> 


„ 3-1. 


1857 


„ 2,706 




> 


66 


» 




, 2-4. 


1858 


„ 3,739 




J 


108 


» 




, 2-8. 


1859 


„ 4,142 




? 


190 


j> 




, 4-5. 


1860 


„ 4,531 




, 


146 


j> 




, 3-2. 


1861 


„ 4,907 




, 


174 


„ 




, 3-6. 


1862 


„ 5,307 




, 


120 


» 




„ 2-2. 


1863 


„ 5,085 




» 


157 


if 




, 3-0. 



Average of nine years, Death-rate 2*9. 

The great difference that is seen in the numbers of different 
years is not to be attributed to the inaccuracy of the reports. We 
know that such differences often occur. 

These statistics prove very conclusively that the Karens, under 
the most favourable circumstances, in this district are not increas- 
ing. 

The high death-rate among the Church members may arise from 
a large proportion of elderly jDCople being baptized. But it seems 
to indicate that the deaths in infancy are not disproportionate." 
(From the " Toungoo News Sheet," October 1864, an interesting 
little journal — j)ro deo et ecclesia — edited by Dr. Mason.) 

For the sake of variety, we now give a portion of a rather 
able letter, contributed to the " Kangoon Times/'' and headed 



SPAESEIi[ESS OF POPULATION IN BEITISH BUEMA. 



" SlE,— 

I have of late seen several articles treating on the sparse- 
ness of population in British Burma, among the rest a very able 
one by Captain Fitzroy, in the " Gazette " of 27th September 1864. 
Granting that he has used the subject with skill, ability, and 
much information, I would oppose my arguments to his, on the 
ground that he has been led by appearances and not by facts. For 
instance, in his first deduction he comes to the conclusion that 
countries are populous in proportion to the facilities with which 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 343 

they can produce or acquire food. I would oppose this position, 
hy stating that rather, as land is cultivated in proportion to the 
number of its inhabitants, and that when the population is con- 
trasted, that seven hundred and seventy-seven Chinese cultivate 
one square mile, whilst seven hundred and ninety-three Burmese 
are required to do the same work : it necessarily follows, that the 
Chinese are more efficient in that work by sixteen. This, of course, 
is owing to the superiority of the one over the indolence of the 
other. 

Men are social creatures, and in consequence are always found 
together, so if a settlement is formed of ten families, the houses 
will be found together, as the centre of their industry ; but if the 
number be increased, then the radii of their industry become so 
elongated that some are obliged to emigrate to some other centres, 
and thus another and another sphere of industry follows, yet all will 
keep together, as close as possible, the one only being separated 
from the other by his requirements. Thus, if we say that ten is 
sufficient for one house, then four houses might be set together, at 
the point where the four houses meet, or they may be the centres 
of each square, or they may be centres of the side of those 
squares ; and thus we find that each house that is established 
forms its own area of industry, which separates it from the rest, 
whilst the general wants of all are supplied at a central position, 
which forms the town or city, and this town or city will be large in 
proportion to the number of cultivators. Thus, if fifty cultivators 
require two blacksmiths, four carpenters, three shoemakers, three 
tailors, one butcher, one doctoi*, &c. &c,, then a hundred will require 
twice as many. The land is cultivated because there were men to 
cultivate it, and not because the land was good. In proof of this, 
look to the fertile wilds of Australia, America, and Africa, also of 
our colony of Burma — hence so much land is cultivated in China 
because there are so many men in the country, and so little is 
cultivated in Burma because the population is so small. Compare 
the population of England to its extent, and we find three hundred 
and thirty-six souls to each square mile, whilst for real purposes 
of cultivation sixteen men and their families are quite enough to 
cultivate a square mile; and allowing that four acres are 
enough for meat and bread to a family for a year, sixteen men and 
their families, by cultivation, provide food for one hundred and 
fifty-eight families. Again, allowing the requirements of sixteen 



344 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

families demand the assistance of sixteen families more, we yet 
liave the food of one hundred and twenty-six families to spare. 
Now to confine one hundred and fifty-eight families, or say five 
hundred souls, on one square mile of land, not allowing them any 
other resources, would of necessity reduce them to idleness, though 
they would find sufficient food ; consequently when seven hundred 
and seventy-seven men are counted to a square mile, it is not for 
the extent of cultivation, but from the concentration of trade and 
other industry among them." 

[The writer now is off to China^ England^, and Bengal ; turns 
to the book of Genesis ; lays a great stress on love displayed 
to parents as a cause of increase, and the breach of the Divine 
command to "honour thy father and thy mother'''' as certainly 
producing a decrease of population in a country. He touches 
also on early destruction of children in Burma, and great 
mortality among mothers in child-birth.] 

He sums up the reasons for the sparseness of the population in 
British Burma, which are, he says, — 

"1st. The father and mother do not want children. 

2nd. Many mothers die from unskilled treatment during child- 
birth. 

3rd. Children die from want and neglect. 

4th. Epidemics carry off large numbers, in which the native 
physicians give great help. 

We may before long add that no small number will be carried 
off by drink. Drunkenness is a well-known hindrance to in- 



I would propose two points of inquiry to the Government. 
1st. Is the population of Bengal greater now than it was ten, 
twenty, thirty, forty, and fifty years ago? 

2nd. Why are there so few children in Eangoon between the 
ages of ten and fourteen years ? 

Yours truly. 

Witness." 

In concluding the subject, it may be remarked that we do not 
go along with the above writer in all he has advanced; but. 



POPULATION AND HEALTH. 345 

doubtless,, there is reason in him ; and as^ in this enlightened 
age, the opinion of every well-wisher of a country meets, or 
should meet, with respect, so we value what he has written, in 
addition to the various reports so briefly touched on in this 
paper. Since these were written, measures of a remedial 
nature have been adopted and commenced, at the instigation 
of the Chief Commissioner. Throughout the country, doubt- 
less, everything beneficial to the native races will soon be in 
train for increased health, and consequent increase of popu- 
lation, as has for many years been the case, with reference to 
peace and commercial prosperity, among Europeans and others 
in British Burma. 



STATISTICAL NOTE. 

The total population of Eangoon, according to the census taken 
on December 24th, 1869, is set down at 96,942, or an increase of 
24,267 in three years, the population at the last enumeration being 
72,675. These comprise— Burmese, 62,732; Takings, 9,183 ; Shans, 
2,219 ; Chinese, 3,44U ; Natives of India, 28,946 ; Malays, 103 ; 
Arakanese, 139 ; Armenians, 162 ; Europeans and East Indians, 
1,619; other races, 128; total males, 61,978; females, 34,964; 
grand total, 96,942. It was in 1872 considerably upwards of 
100,000. The following are the principal towns having a popula- 
tion of 10,000 :— Eangoon, 100,000 ; Maulmain, 58,653 ; Prome, 
24,682 ; Bassein, 19, 577 ; Akyab, 15,281 ; Henzada, 15,285 ; Tavoy, 
14,467; Shwe Doung, 12,411. In 1871-72 there were only 6,058 
police employed in British Burma = 1 policeman to every 423 
persons, and to upwards of fifteen square miles of country !* 



* This fact says mucli for tlie peaceful character of a population of over three 
mUliona. The increase of population in Arakan and Tenasserim has been 
wonderful. In 1826 they were annexed, with populations respectively of one 
hundred thousand and seventy thousand. In 1855 Arakan increased to three 
hundred and fifty thousand, and Tenasserim to more than two hundred and ten 
thousand. " Within thirty years," says General Fytche, " the population of 
both provinces had trebled under British rule." The maritime population of 
British Burma has been reckoned at a million. 



346 



OUR BURMESE WARS. 



III. 

A Brief Review op the Progress op Trade, and Sketch of 
THE Prospects of Pegu.* 

Commerce. 
To this tlie present prosperity of Pegu is entirely due ; and it 
will, no doubt, prove interesting to review briefly the progress 
of trade in this province, during the brief period it has enjoyed 
the privilege of being under the British rule, and the probable 
future, in a commercial point of view, of this most rapidly 
flourishing of Her Majesty^s dependencies in the East. 

There are, at present, only two places of export by sea in 
Pegu — Rangoon and Bassein. The following is an abstract of 
the exports and imports from Rangoon for the past nine years, 
from which it will be seen that the tonnage of the vessels has 
been nearly doubled, that the value of the exports has been 
nearly five times increased, and that the import and export 
duties have likewise been increased from one hundred and 
fifty-six thousand to eight hundred and forty-eight thousand 
rupees within that period. The only check to the further 
progress of the country is the obstructiveness of the Burmese 
Court. 



Official 


Import 


Export 


Merchan- 


Merchan- 


Import 


Export 


Total 


Tear. 


Tonnage. 


Tonnage. 


Imported. 


Exported. 


Duty. 


Duty. 


Duty. 




Tons. 


Tons. 


Rupees. 


Rupees. 


Rupees. 


Rupees. 


Rupees. 


1855-56 


138,881 


131,546 


10,692,024 


3,704,487 


110,186 


46,490 


156,676 


1856-57 


133,745 


133,059 


11,154,255 


5,354,791 


122,353 


52,604 


174,957 


1857-58 


217,884 


195,606 


13,514,981 


8,318,317 


143,004 


110,427 


253,431 


1858-59 


167,378 


174,428 


12,743,744 


8,566,817 


178,240 


96,456 


274,696 


1859-60 


116,879 


133,062 


12,532,845 


7,210,536 


293,704 


124,357 


418,061 


1860-61 


131,029 


126,616 


13,231,628 


7,830,281 


365,354 


223,212 


588,566 


1861-62 


172,663 


169,916 


14,026,757112,387,682 


402 029 1 408,616 


810,645 


1862-63 


167,096 


172,983 


14,668,775 13,305,236 


290,156 ; 399,439 


689,595 


1863-64 


252,813 


226,252 


16,901,034 17,343,437 


272,737 575,309 


848,046 



* From Notes received October 4th, 1864, ] from a " mercliant king " at 
Rangoon, who, at the author's request, furnished the information. 



TEADB AND PROSPECTS OF PEGU. 347 

The exports of rice from Bassein have increased in much 
the same proportion, but the imports at that port are but 
trifling. 

Rangoon, by its position — being only about twenty miles 
from the entrance of the eastern branch of the Irawady, which 
is deep and broad enough to enable ships of almost any size 
to sail up to the town, — is particularly well placed for com- 
mercial purposes ; and, even to a stranger, it is apparent that 
no site could be better adapted for an almost endless increase 
of traflSc, with hardly any other assistance than what Nature 
has so liberally provided. Several ships, drawing over twenty- 
five feet of water, have sailed safely to sea without steam ; but 
one or two powerful boats are much wanted, to prevent de- 
tention to the vessels by contrary winds, and such, doubtless 
will soon be forthcoming. 

Eangoon is behind in facilities for repairing vessels, such 
having either to go on a rather rough gridiron, exposed to the 
tide-way, or to go on a slip dock without gates in the Govern- 
ment dockyard, on both of which the ships have either to 
be scuttled, or float with every tide, A new patent slip 
is, however, projected, and, when finished, will prove of 
much use to vessels requiring repairs, — the river being so 
convenient for vessels in distress to run to, from any part of 
the bay. 

The Bassein river is also a very safe one ; but the town 
being situated about seventy miles up, and there being no 
steamer on the river, renders it more tedious to the navigation 
when the winds are adverse. A tug steamer is, however, 
expected soon to be stationed there. 

The communication between Rangoon and Upper Burma 
being open at all [seasons by river, its trade must necessarily 
increase in a far greater proportion than Bassein, which can 
only be supplied with produce from the western part of Pegu, 
the direct river communication vrith the upper country being 
only open during the rains. 



348 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

The principal articles of export from Rangoon are rice,* 
timber, cutch, cotton, and petroleum ; and from Bassein, rice 
only ; but the qualities of the land are such, both in Pegu and 
Upper Burma (but more particularly in the latter), that tea, 
indigo, and coffee could, in addition, easily be grown to ad- 
vantage, — the want of labour, and the greater want even than 
labour, for that can be supplied, though it may be at con- 
siderable cost — the want of a class of men with sufficient skill 
and energy to superintend such cultivation — being the only 
causes why so much rich land has been left untilled. 

The condition of the natives engaged in agricultural pursuits 
in Pegu has so much improved during the past ten years, that 
numbers of Burmese, Karens, &c., are yearly coming from 
beyond the frontier ; but those from the Burmese territories 
can only bring their families by stealth ; and nothing would be 
more acceptable to the natives of Upper Burma, except to those 
actually in power, than to see the British Government extend 
as far as the Irawady is navigable ; for, notwithstanding the 
extremely heavy taxes with which Pegu is burdened, the con- 
dition of all classes is fast improving, and forms a striking 
contrast with the poor cultivators of Upper Burma, who are 
kept in poverty by the cruel exactions of each petty governor, 
and from the King^s monopolies compelling them to sell their 
produce at a low fixed rate, whatever the market value may 
be. Under the British rule, it is truly difficult to fortell to 
what extent the productions of the country would grow, rich 
as it is in every source of prosperity, both mineral and 
agricultural. 

Of the present exports the rice is entirely grown in Pegu ; 
the petroleum produced in Upper Burma; and the timber, 
cutch, and cotton found in both places. 

* In March, 1870, we learned that the memorial forwarded to Lord Mayo 
by the mercantile community of Rangoon, on the subject of the rice duty, 
had been translated into Burmese. — During the late terrible famines in 
Bengal and Madras (1875-76-77) a very large quantity of rice was exported 
from British Burma. 



TEADE AND PEOSPEOTS OE PEGU. 349 

The treaty of 1862 with the Court of Ava, has had no 
results, except in the sacrifice of the British frontier duties to 
the Burmese, and the general opinion is, that the King wiU 
not reduce any duties, or give up any monopoly, it having 
been left optional with him to do so. 

Any improvement in the means of bringing produce from 
China, or the independent Shan States, would give an immense 
impulse to the trade of Pegu, the only regular communication 
as present being by trains of laden mules and oxen, the prin- 
cipal route for which is from Western China to Bamo and 
Mandalay. A railway is proposed from China to some point 
on the Irawady, from which steamers would ply to Rangoon, 
and the King of Ava has granted a concession of ground, &c., 
for such ; but great fears are entertained that the obstructive- 
ness of the Burmese character, when in power, will prevent 
the object being carried out by the only apparently possible 
routes, which are through Upper Burma. It is indeed a great 
pity such a fine country, with such great prospects, is saddled 
with a Government like that of Ava ; and,^with a willing people, 
it is to be hoped the protection of the British flag will soon 
be given to the whole of Burma. 

The Government have sold the Irawady flotiUa to a private 
firm, but the steamers only ply to the frontier, and are all 
old-fashioned vessels. The trade with Mandalay is, therefore, 
left to one steamer belonging to the King, and to native 
boats. There are two new steamers for the Eang, of large 
size, now about ready, however, and a few more would pay 
well, as the delay and risk of transit in native craft are very 
great. 

The Government Dockyard has lately been leased for one 
year to a private firm for two thousand rupees per mensem, 
after the expiry of which term it will probably be advertised 
for sale or lease for a long period. The cost of it to Govern- 
ment, however, is far above its present value, either to them- 
selves or to a private company. 



360 OUE BURMESE "WARS. 

[Since the above was written, important changes in Pegu 
have taken place, into which there is no intention of entering 
here. Disturbances in Upper Burma,"^ bringing forth the 
energetic action of the Chief Commissioner, and of Major 
Sladen, the E,esident at Mandalay, cast shadow and sunshine 
over the country, — the whole of which, sooner or later, must 
become British. When our forbearance has become suffi- 
ciently tried, — and that it would be sorely tried Lord Dal- 
housie seemed to prophesy, — then necessity and the welfare 
of millions must impel us onward — not the love of annexa- 
tion !] 

NOTE (October 1879). 
Revenue and Commerce. 

Probably the finances of British Burma are far more pliable than 
those of any other Asiatic country ; certainly infinitely more so 
than those of India, where the tremendous wants — local, mili- 
tary, and political — are continually eating up the finances, without 
any apparent further development of resources for imperial or 
commercial profit. The success which has hitherto attended our 
Chin-Indian possessions in finance as well as in commerce, as has 
been repeatedly urged in these pages, would be tenfold were the re- 
sources of the country fully developed, a larger population secured, 
and all monopolies, instead of harmless princes and princesses, 
massacred in Upper Burma. Liberal commercial relations with 
that golden region are now all that we require to make Pegu a 
wealthy " Princess among the Provinces," when she could stretch 
forth a helping hand to her ever needy Indian sister. China owes 
her religion to India ; Pegu owes her deliverance to us who possess 
India ; therefore, both China and British Burma — or say Pegu — 
are bound to assist India ! 

About six months ago we read some remarks on the development 
of a provincial system in British Burma, to the effect that provin- 
cial contracts with that country (and Assam) had been revised and 
greatly expanded with effect from the beginning of 1878-79. A 

* Middle of August 1866, the following telegram was received in Calcutta : — 
" King of Burma's brother killed. The King iu prison. Rebels in possession 
of country surrounding Mandalay, and Mandalay itself. Europeans safe." 
Thufe runs the world away in Upper Burma, when we least expect it. 



EEVENUE AND OOMMEEOE. 



351 



new feature in the arrangement was that, in place of a fixed 
allotment, a share of the net reserved imperial revenues had been 
assigned, so that the provincial finances would participate in any 
improvement of those revenues. With the exception of the army, 
the wholly imperial portion is not important. The salt and 
customs revenue levied in Bombay, Calcutta, and Upper India 
" cannot be divided among the several provinces from whose con- 
sumption those revenues are obtained. But in Burma there is no 
such obstacle. Consequently, the G-overnment of India has been 
able to make with that province the most comjplete provincial con- 
tract yet existing." Only a few items were retained as wholly 
imperial. The greater portion of the revenue and expenditure 
were made " wholly provincial." It was believed that some judi- 
cious public expenditure in Burma would yield especially valuable 
financial results. With an increase of provincial resources, we 
might now look for these to the Chief Commissioner. And, 
doubtless, ere long, when the question of Upper Burma is settled, 
great financial improvement will be observable. 

A comparison of the Local Estimates, which were prepared upon 
the old basis with the estimates recast by the Government of India 
upon the new basis, may be of interest to Indian financiers : — 





BEITISH BUEMA. 


Local Estimates. 


Revised bt GovEENMEifT 
OP India. 


1878-79. 


1879-80. 


1878-79. 


1879-80. 


Eevemie 

Expenditure . 

Surplus 

Deficit .... 

Closing Balance . 


£ 
401,300 
416,900 

15,600 
87,300 


£ 
407,800 
511,100 

103,300 
16,100 


£ 

945,900 

892,600 

53,300 

156,200 


£ 

967,300 

1,019,900 

52,600 
143,600 



This table shows the addition of ^159,600 to the provincial and 
local revenues of British Burma — "the effect of the measure in 
two years." In a few years, under able management, the country, 
no doubt, in both finance and commerce, will do credit to its 
original benefactor, Sie Arthtje Phatre, who mat be said to 

HAVE created PeGU AND CONSOIiIDATED BRITISH BuEMA ! 

Some months ago, his successor. General Pytche, wrote, with 
reference to Lord Dalhousie's famous remark, that we held " in 



362 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

the easy grasp of our hand the kernel of the Burmese Empire ": — 
" And this kernel (Pegu), I may remark, with its extraordinary 
commercial and producing activity, pays more than double the 
amount of revenue, rated on population, of that provided by any 
province or presidency of India, and, after all provincial expenses 
are paid, yields a handsome surplus to the Imperial exchequer." 
And, again — Its line of frontier with Burma, "though far from 
being a ' scientific ' or theoretically perfect one, has its outposts 
connected by electric telegraph, and is easily accessible from its 
base both by rail and river." The General did not advise our 
passing this frontier, in case we might be led into the expense of 
annexing the whole country up to the borders of China ; but at 
the time he wrote King Theebau had not, through his bad conduct, 
brought about the portentous event of our Resident being obliged 
to quit Mandalay ! We really think the Chinese and the surround- 
ing tribes would aid us in any attempts to better the trade and 
condition of Upper Burma. China knows how ill her young tribu- 
tary or vassal has behaved ; and the Chinese, with the hope of 
mutual advantage, would soon surrender their natural " extreme 
jealousy " to rapid commercial gains ! The net revenue of British 
Burma for 1877-78 amounted to 160,14,328 Rs., being an increase 
of 3,18,801 Es. over that of 1876-77.* In the Eevenue Eeport, the 
steady and progressive increase in the prosperity of the province 
was considered satisfactory. The great want was also said to be 
" a larger " population, and until this is secured, it is clear that 
the resources of the province can never be properly developed, or 
the full amount of revenue obtained which it is capable of yield- 
ing. Instead of a total net revenue of 176,17,351 Es., there might 
easily be double that amount. The population of British Burma 
already being over three millions, if we could only get two or three 
more millions under our rule, Burma would have nearly as large a 
commerce as a fourth of that of the whole of India ; for, with^^a small 
population of three millions, we have exports and imports amount- 
ing to nearly thirteen millions and a half sterling,f more than 
four times the population. " If the commerce of India," says 



* In 1875-76, according to General Fytcte, the gross revenue and receipts, 
imperial, provincial, and municipal, amounted to £2,004,813, giving an inci- 
dence of taxation of 13s. 3f d. per head. 

f For trade of British Burma 1878-79, the total value of which had risen 
to sixteen crores of rupees (sixteen millions sterling), see Addenda. 



PROM MANDALAY TO MOMIBN. 353 

G-eneral Fjtche, in his excellent work on " Burma," bore the same 
proportion to population, it would be ten times greater than it is ; 
that is to say, it would be about nine hundred and fifty millions 
instead of ninety-five ! " — Again, British Burma contrasts favour- 
ably with India in " the value of the imports being much nearer 
to that of the exports." 

IV. 

From Mandalay to Momien.^ 
[The following paper, on Dr. Anderson^s interesting book, 
appeared in the " Academy/' April 8, 1876 ; and as the matter 
contained therein is so intimately connected with remarks made 
in the present work, the writer deems it unnecessary to make 
any apology for its insertion here.] 

The Royal visit to our Indian Empire has of late drawn so 
much attention from the British public that we now trust some 
study and thought may be given to Chin-India, or at least 
that portion of it styled Burma Proper or Independent, the 
comparatively new capital of which is Mandalay, where reigns 
one of the shrewdest, best-informed, and most whimsical kings 
in Eastern Asia — the King of the Golden Feet and the Golden 
Ears, who has recently ordered, according to Burmese custom, 
the courts and public offices in his capital to be closed for 
forty days, during the all-important ceremony of " boring holes 
in the ears of the princesses." 

Even the two expeditions to Western China, of 1868 and 
1875, from " Mandalay to Momien " forming the grand base 
of operations, and, though unsuccessful, displaying so much 
energy and bravery on the part of our countrymen, have been 
well-nigh cast into the shade ; the hearts of wealth-seeking 
British merchants have become sick and weary with disappoint- 
ment ; but we trust that all such clouds may be looked on as 
of insignificant result in a prospect bright and advancing. Dr. 

* ''■ Mandalay to Momien : A Narrative of the two Expeditions to Western 
China, of 1868 and 1875, under Colonel Edward B. Sladen and Colonel Horace 
Browne," by John Anderson, M.D., &c. London : 1876. 

23 



354 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

Anderson^ by his handsome^ well-timed, entertaining and in- 
structive volume, has done much to renew the interest felt not 
long since in the destinies of Upper Burma, and the chance of 
British progress in Western China. Before proceeding briefly 
to examine the work of the ever-zealous medical officer and 
naturalist, it may be remarked that our position in Burma — the 
only correct way of spelling the word — is a very remarkable 
one; and this fact has not been sufficiently brought home to 
the British nation, for on its proper consideration our success 
in the land of the Golden Foot, and in lands beyond, greatly 
depends. It is just fifty years since Mr. Crawfurd, in his 
" Embassy to Ava,-"^ informed us that he suggested the policy of 
keeping possession of Rangoon; thus shutting out the Bur- 
mese from the navigation of that grand artery the Irawady, 
and placing us in a commanding military attitude, which 
would have relieved us from all apprehension of annoyance 
from the power of these people. One of the ambassador's 
shrewdest reviewers could not agree with him on this point, 
and was disposed to think that we had done much better. 
Hemmed in as they then were between Arakan and Martaban, 
we had little to fear from any annoyance they could give us. 
Indeed, the reviewer was rather surprised at such a proposal 
from Mr. Crawfurd, who, in the same breath almost, said 
that "the conditions of a convention with them ought to be 
strictly reciprocal ; and the letter and spirit of the engagement 
such as would tend to develop the resources of both coun- 
tries." We cannot think that to stop them up "like rats 
within their holes," as the critic said, would be the most 
likely mode of producing this desirable reciprocity, or of de- 
veloping the resources of the Burmese. When we conquered 
and annexed Pegu, nearly four-and-twenty years ago, our 
ideas of the vast resources of the upper region of Burma 
were very vague indeed. We knew, from reading, that it 
boasted gold, silver, and copper, and that it was rich in 
precious stones; facts since entirely corroborated by Captain 



PROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 365 

Strover^s " Memorandum on the Metals and Minerals of 
Burma (1873) " ; hut, for every practical purpose^ Upper 
Burma was, and seemed likely to remain, almost an undis- 
covered country. Even the great master of annexation, Lord 
Dalhousie, talked and wrote of it as "a worthless rind/' 
Having secured Pegu, and consequently the entire delta of the 
mighty Irawady, why should we increase our responsibility and 
expenditure by annexing what can be of no advantage to us at 
present ? But, should ^' the force of circumstances " ever 
compel us to do so, then, said the Governor- General, in one 
of his brilliant despatches — " Let us advance ! " 

Lord Dalhousie knew little or nothing of the most con- 
venient road to Western China being through Upper Burma, and 
that through Bhamo (or Bamo) the richest side of the '^ celestial " 
regions could be tapped. The romantic dreams of the most 
sanguine have never come up to the reality which we may 
reasonably expect when there is a clear passage from Yunnan 
to Bangoon. But even had such knowledge been then avail- 
able, it did not occur to many who were interested in Bur- 
mese affairs, that our having secured possession of Rangoon — 
whic'h future Liverpool of Chin-India, or Bombay of the 
Chinese and Burman Empires, Crawfurd so ardently desired — 
would prove the grand obstacle in the way of opening com- 
merce with Western China. We had taken up, in the opinion 
of the king, one trade-monopolising position; and so the 
Golden Foot naturally seemed determined to take up the other. 
And thus began the difficulties which have been encountered 
by fearless and enterprising travellers and explorers, who 
deserve all honour for having, through the "^ impassable," 
endeavoured to pave a road. 

In the preface to his goodly volume, Dr. Anderson informs 
us that public interest in the subject of " the overland route 
from Burma to China," called forth by the repulse of the 
recent mission and the well-known tragedy which attended it, 
suggested its publication. He hopes that his account of the 



356 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

expedition of 1868^ in which he bore an important part, will 
be acceptable to clear the way for the simple narrative of the 
mission of 1875, commanded by Colonel Horace Browne. The 
difficulties in both cases were very great, and such a concise 
and authoritative statement of them will assuredly do much 
good by putting us on our guard for the future. We may say 
that the two expeditions to Western China were most fortunate 
in the selection of the accomplished writer to whom were 
entrusted the scientific duties of medical officer and naturalist. 
An excellent map of the routes traversed, and another of South- 
western China, showing routes traversed and proposed, fol- 
lowed up by a plan of Momien (Teng-Yue-Chow) , confront the 
reader as he turns to the first chapter of the narrative, " Man- 
dalay to Bhamo,^'' which abounds with interesting, if not 
altogether new information. Rangoon is here most appro- 
priately mentioned as the port of the great water highway of 
the Irawady, boasting a trade which, during fifteen years, had 
increased in annual value to two million five hundred thousand 
pounds. The commercial community of British Burma''s capital 
had long directed their attention to the prospect of an over- 
land trade with Western China, so as to avoid the long and 
dangerous voyage by the Straits and Indian Archipelago, with 
a view to a direct and easy interchange of our manufactures 
for the products of rich and fertile provinces like Yunnan and 
Sz-Chuen. There was, and is, no better way, in Dr. Ander- 
son's opinion, than by the river Irawady and the royal city of 
Mandalay. And here it is important to note that — 

" Although before 1867 but four English steamers with freight 
had ascended the river to the capital, harbingers of the numerous 
flotilla now plying in the Irawady, it was known that a regular 
traffic existed between Mandalay and China, especially in the 
supply of cotton to the interior, which was reserved as a royal 
monopoly." 

General Albert Fytche, in his " Four Years^ Administration 
of British Burma,'' informs us that when he was entrusted with 



FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 357 

the chief commissionership^ as successor to Sir Arthur Phayre, 
in the early part of 1867, one of his chief objects was to open 
up '' a friendly intercourse with the king/' and endeavour, 
through Major Sladen his assistant at the Court of Mandalay, 
to remove all suspicions, and convince the Burmese Govern- 
ment that our only object was to promote the material in- 
terests of the two states by mutual concessions. At that time 
so little had been accomplished in the way of developing the 
trade with Upper Burma that we need not wonder at only four 
merchant steamers having made their way to Mandalay. There 
was evidently something wrong in the framing of the Burmese 
treaty of 1862, in which the Government of India desired Sir 
Arthur Phayre to include, if possible, the re- opening of the 
old caravan route from Western China by the town of Bhamo, 
and other important concessions. The first object was to be 
efiected by the king's sanction to a joint Burmese and British 
mission to China. But this proposal, on which the success of 
our enterprise then and hereafter appears to have rested, was 
not accepted. A direct trade with China might be carried on 
by us through Upper Burma, subject to certain conditions; 
and, in 1863, Dr. Williams — our former Eesident at the Court 
of Mandalay — after a journey of twenty- two days, reached 
Bhamo, with the object of testing the practicability of a trade 
route. The Bhamo routes were considered by this other dis- 
tinguished "political-' medical officer and traveller as politically, 
physically, and commercially, the most advantageous. Dr. 
Anderson informs us that for twelve years, from 1855, the Bur- 
mo-Chinese trade in Bhamo, which represented five hundred 
thousand pounds per annum, had almost entirely ceased — perhaps 
owing to the efi'ects of the Mohammedan rebellion in Yunnan. 
To solve the question of such ruin in a grand local trade, the 
Chief Commissioner, General Fytche, projected the expedition, 
which brings forth the suggestive, pleasing remark from the 
writer of the present volume, that " the enterprise might be 
deemed one of hereditary interest to the descendant of that 



358 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

enterprising merchant-traveller, Mr. Fitch, who has left an 
account of his visit to Pegu in 1586/^ This, on reference to a 
narrative, we find to be the same Ralph Fitch who with John 
Newberry in 1583 led a great scheme of English adventure, 
which had for its object the reaching of the Persian Gulf (by 
way of Aleppo and Bagdad), and sailing thence by Ormus, in 
order to reach the shores of Malabar ; and who narrates, with 
excusable ignorance of the wonders of Hindu mythology and 
archaeology, that, on beholding the numberless temples and 
idols, some were " like a cow, some like a monkey, and some 
like the devil ! " The proposed expedition was sanctioned by 
the Government of India in September 1867 -, and it was ar- 
ranged that the departure of the mission, in which Dr. Ander- 
son took so conspicuous and interesting a part, should take 
place from Mandalay in January 1868. This laudable enter- 
prise, under Colonel B. Sladen, may be justly considered the 
first important step in carrying out the views of the merchants 
of England in a quarter where it was considered new fields of 
commerce for manufactures and produce might be obtained, 
thus helping to maintain the " commercial status " of their 
country. 

Mandalay reached, the minute description of this Burmese 
city and its suburbs will well repay perusal ; for we see at 
once that it is the work of a graphic writer and attentive 
observer. In fact, through the aid of this volume we may con- 
sider ourselves in the land of the Golden Foot for a time — the 
land of remarkable fauna, of gorgeous and fairy-garden-like 
Flora, and of valuable minerals, and with various productions 
to be utilised but barely yet discovered. It is also the land of 
a curious, lazy, but ingenious people, whose contemplative deity, 
Gautama — the Burmese incarnation of Buddha — governs their 
daily actions. 

The fortunes of this now famous expedition were pretty well 
known to many readers long before the appearance of the book 
now under notice. They may be briefly summarised in the 



PKOM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 359 

following manner; but it may be well at first to state_, in the 
words of tbe author^ that — 

" tlie city properly called Mandalay, with its palace and 'countless 
pagodas, lies about three miles from the Irawady, on a rising 
ground below the hill Mandale. It was founded, on his accession 
in 1853, by the present king ; and one of his motives for quitting 
Ava, and selecting the new site, was to remove his palace from the 
sight and sound of British steamers." 

The old capital has been admirably described by Colonel Yule, 
and other writers before him, such as Colonel Symes, Major 
Canning, Captain Cox, and Drs. Leyden and Buchanan, who 
have contributed towards .throwing a light on our knowledge 
of the Burman Empire. Dr. Anderson^s " Report on the 
Expedition to Western Yunan, via Bhamo,^' was first published 
at Calcutta in 1871, and the greater portion of the present 
Narrative is devoted to a detailed account of matters set forth 
in that most interesting document. First, there was the de- 
parture from Mandalay, in the middle of January 1868, of 
Major Sladen, Captain Williams, and the author in the King 
of Burma^s steamer, which also had on board representatives of 
the commercial community of Rangoon. Notwithstanding the 
public declaration of the Burmese Government that no steamer 
could possibly ascend the Irawady so far north as Bhamo, 
Bhamo was reached with a steamer of only three feet draught 
without any dif&culty in the river navigation, and the expe- 
dition was thus brought nine hundred miles from their 
starting-point at Rangoon, and three hundred miles above 
Mandalay. On January 22nd they had left the beautiful scenery 
" through which the Irawady threads its course," and came 
in sight of the town of Bhamo, situated in latitude 24° 16' N., 
and longitude 96° 53' 47" E. on the left bank of the river, two 
or three miles below the mouth of the Tapeng. The region 
between the borders of Yunnan and the Irawady at Bhamo 
had next to be crossed, which region — the former battle-ground 
of Burma and China — ^is said to be the site of the nine Shan 
States mentioned by Du Halde. The treachery of the Bur- 



360 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

mese soon became apparent, which the fearless Sladen was 
resolved to defeat by securing the aid of the Kakhyen chiefs, 
and — it was the period of the Panthay insurrection in Western 
China — ^by opening communications with the Panthay (Moham- 
medan) commander at the Yunnan frontier city of Momien, 
This was a most important movement on the part of Sladen, 
as the very object of the expedition was to find out the exact 
position held by the Kakhyens, Shans, and Panthays, with 
reference to the former traffic between Bhamo and Yunnan. 
Notwithstanding that the Burmese and Chinese (friends and 
enemies by turns, and neither long) were opposed to the further 
advance of the party, they came after a variety of adventures, 
on May 26, in sight of the walled city of Momien, distant 
from Bhamo about one hundred and twenty miles, and the 
nearest frontier city in Yunnan. The town was being con- 
tinually harassed by] forays of Chinese partisan bands in the 
neighbourhood, which compelled Major Sladen to think of a 
return, as he could not proceed with any safety in the direction 
of the Panthay capital of Talifoo. Then came the adventurous 
return, commenced on July 13 ; and the result of the expe- 
dition was a vast deal of information gained, but no commercial 
or political effect. As another attempt to explore the trade 
routes to Western China, in 1868, we may here mention that 
the enterprising and intelligent explorer, Mr. T. T. Cooper, 
endeavoured " to pass from the head-waters of the Yang-tsze- 
Kiang to the northern frontier of Assam," but without success.* 

* He got nearly as far as Sudya. This excellent and affable public servant 
eventually, after proceeding in 1876 to India from England, in connection with 
the Grand Delhi Durbar, was murdered in April 1878, while Political Agent 
at Bhamo, by a Burman ; but no political importance was attached to the deed. 
Regarding the Assam route. General Sir George Balfour, M.P., informed the 
writer that he preferred the one from Assam (Sudya) to Sz-Chaen, in his 
opinion the province of S.W. China of greatest importance. Referring to 
the adventurous Chin-Indian traveller, Mr. Cooper, Sir George said he little 
knew how close he was to our settlement. " I cannot vouch for the fact that 
the Chinese thought he had come from India." It is to be hoped some other 
enterprising explorer vrill soon arise to emulate Cooper ! The mountain diffi- 
culty must be overcome ! 



FEOM MANDALAT TO MOMIEN. 361 

Among the excellent illustrations in Dr. Anderson^s detailed 
Narrative will be found one of " Kakhyen Women/' very- 
truthful and life-like, from a photograph by Major "Williams ; 
an excellent view of Mandalay^ furnished by Colonel Sladen ; 
and various well-executed sketches, with the photograph of " a 
posturing girl " at Mandalay, by the author — evidently a man 
of various and useful attainments. His book — which we cor- 
dially recommend as the best yet published on the subjects 
treated — also contains the invaluable addition of an index, 
with appendices including a Note by Professor Douglas on the 
deities in a Shan temple, and a vocabulary, English, Kakhyen, 
and Shan, which will amuse as well as instruct. It is curious 
to observe that, although the words "oily,"' "pretty,'' and 
"beautiful," are nearly all alike in the Kakhyen and Shan 
dialects, there is no word for " ugly " to be found therein, 
although it appears in the wilder vocabulary of the Hotha, 
Shan, Leesaw, and Poloung. Once more turning to Bhamo, 
where Captain Strover, in 1869, was assistant political agent, 
we have been informed by a high authority that the importance 
of this town has been somewhat over-rated as a trade-mart — 
even in its most palmy days, when a Shan queen reigned one 
hundred and forty years ago, the annual revenue of the district 
not exceeding fourteen, lakhs of rupees (one hundred and forty 
thousand pounds). Here, where a well-informed writer states 
" Burmese and Chinese influences commingle," we hope yet to 
see an exchange-mart for the silk, copper, gold, drugs, and 
textile fabrics of Western China, and for British and Burmese 
staples. 

Regarding the second ill-fated expedition, the narrative of 
which will be found in the last five chapters of the present 
volume. Dr. Anderson writes that, in 1874, — 

" Lord Salisbury, the Secretary of State for India, decided to 
send a second expedition to penetrate China from Burma, and pass 
through, if practicable, to Shanghai. To avoid possible misunder- 
standings, and to make it plain to the Western Chinese mandarins 



362 



OUE BURMESE WARS. 



that the foreign visitors were of the same nation as the English 
who lived and traded in the treaty-ports, her Majesty's Minister 
at Pekin was instructed to send a consular oflB.cial, duly furnished 
with imperial passports, to meet the mission on the frontiers of 
China." 

Mr. Ney Elias, gold-medallist of the Eoyal Geographical 
Society^ was geographer. The fate of the young, brave, and 
most promising member of the consular service^, Mr. Margary, 
is too well known to be repeated here ; but many details of 
this second British mission — subsequently followed by Mr. 
Grosvenor^s to Yunnan _, under a British escort — are given by 
the author in a manner which must commend itself to all 
well-wishers of the commercial enterprise and of the glory of 
England. 



NOTES. 

Teade Routes from Burma to Western China. 
No better signs of a growing British interest in the golden and 
flowery lands could have been evinced than the public meeting 
held in February 1870^ in Westminster, to vote a resolution on 
Captain Sprye^s project for opening up trade with the " west 
of China and intermediate Shan States of Burma by the direct 
land route from Rangoon to Kiang-Hung '' ; and trade with 
China (in connection with Major Sladen^s official report of his 
expedition to explore the trade routes to China via Bhamo, in 
February 1868, printed at the British Burmese Press in 1869) 
forming the subject of a clear and exhaustive leading article in 
one of the London daily journals."^ The latter authority, with 
reference to " the recent discussion as to the mode in which 
commerce should be conducted between England and the 
highest population on eartVs surface/"* considers that such 
" has lent peculiar interest to a report of recent exploration, 
which is in itself most fascinating.'^ The report, it was believed, 
would be shortly laid before Parliament. The easiest way to 

* The "Daily Telegrapli," April 21st, lb70. 



FilOM BUEMA TO WESTERN CHINA. 363 

the great markets of China may yet form a leading subject 
of debate. "^'The object of the movement/^ says the journalist, 
" was to ascertain the practicability of a route which would 
place fifty millions of the most flourishing and active inhabi- 
tants of the Celestial Empire within a fortnight or three 
weeks' reach of the Bengal Gulf, and thus diminish by one- 
fifth the time and labour consumed in bringing Chinese pro- 
ducts by the eastern sea-board." The expedition started from 
Bhamo^ a town nine hundred miles from the mouth of the 
Irawady, " which is navigable for ships of average burthen all 
the way." The Dutch and English had trading stations at 
Bhamo just three centuries ago. " The old tracks of commerce 
have been obliterated simply because the King of Burma's 
Ministers have sought to feed their own public and private 
revenue by forcing trade to follow the long land route from 
Yunnan to Mandalay^ that they might extort ample protection 
fees from the caravans." From the western frontier of China 
the distance by caravan to Bhamo is but five or six days; 
thence down the Irawady by steamer^ twelve days more, which 
" immensely greater facilities of conveyance " Major Sladen is 
said to have " practically opened." In parting with the ex- 
plorers, the London journalist highly eulogises Major Sladen, 
to " whose undaunted courage and exhaustless invention of 
tactics, science and commerce owe so much," and Dr. Anderson 
and Lieutenant Bowers, his " loyal and able assistants." It 
was to Colonel Fytche (Chief Commissioner) that the arrange- 
ments for the above expedition were entrusted, and he persuaded 
the King, during his mission to Mandalay, to take considerable 
interest in it. " On the return of the mission from Momien," 
the General writes in his new work, " with a view to strengthen 
the belief in the reality of our intentions to endeavour to 
resuscitate trade, and to maintain communication with the 
Kakhyen and Shan chiefs, and the Panthay Government, an 
English political agent was at once appointed to Bhamo ; which 
contingency had been provided for in my treaty of 1867 with 



364 OUR BUEMBSE WARS, 

the King of Burma/^ We must not omit to mention in con- 
nection with the trade routes to South-west China, the visit 
of the Burmese Embassy to England in 1871-72. The Burmese 
Envoy Extraordinary made a special visit to Halifax, famed for 
its Chamber of Commerce. The council presented him with an 
address, alluding to the fertile lands of Burma as affording 
great inducements for the spread of commerce and agriculture. 
They now wished the jGrolden Foot to open up a commercial 
highway to the unlimited resources of Western China. The 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from His 
Majesty the King of Burma replied : — " In reference to the 
question of trade routes through Burma to Western China, I 
need merely repeat what I have said in other places, that His 
Majesty the King of Burma is most anxious to promote, by 
every means in his power, any matured and feasible plan which 
has this object in view. But in regard to the route to which 
you advert, commonly known as Captain Sprye-'s route, I would 
remark that as the line passes through an insignificant portion 
of the King of Burma's territory, the responsibility of opening 
it out cannot fairly be laid upon His Majesty .'' * 

It may here be interesting to say a few words regarding 
The Shan Tribes. 

The Shans, or Shyans, are divided into many tribes. 
The population used to be little short of three millions, of 
which vast number a considerable portion owed allegiance to 
the King of Ava. They are considered to be the parent stock 
of both Assamese and Siamese. 

A Shan camp appeared not far distant from the ancient walls 

* On February 28th, 1873, a deputation from tlie Associated Chambers of 
Commerce waited on the Secretary of State for India (His Grace the Duke 
of Argyll), to urge the completion of the survey of a line of railway from 
Rangoon to the frontier of China. The deputation was introduced by Mr. 
Whitwell, M.P. ; Mr. Baines, M.P., explained. Mr. Haigh, of the Huddersfield 
Chamber, and Mr. T. T. Ormerod and Mr. John Crossley, of the Halifax 
Chamber, also spoke. The Duke was not averse to the survey, but was bound 
to object to the expense of it "falling on Indian revenues." 



THE SHAN TRIBES. 365 

of Toungoo. These descendants of Magog — it is presumed 
they are such — originally from Chinese Tartary^* or, it may be, 
leaving the country of Japheth and proceeding to the more 
southern possessions of Shem ; — the descendants of Shem who 
inhabited the mighty region of Thibet, from whose mountains 
the Burmese are said eventually to have poured down — these 
descendants of what Patriarch you will, who flourished after 
the flood when " the whole earth was of one language and of 
one speech,'" are apt to strike one as carrying a strange interest 
along with them, retaining as they do much of that simplicity 
in habits which was peculiar to the elder world. They had 
some very fine bullocks, with other merchandise, which they 
were about to expose for sale in the Maulmain market. The 
import trade from the Shan States — which lie along the eastern 
frontier of Northern Burma — into the capital of the Tenasserim 
Provinces, not along ago consisted of cattle (cows and bullocks), 
elephants, ponies, gold leaf, lacquered boxes, cotton cloth, and 
other valuable articles of traffic, amounting annually to little 
less than three hundred and twenty thousand rupees (thirty- 
two thousand pounds), while about a lakh of rupees worth 
(ten thousand pounds) of our manufactures found their way to 
them. There are Siamese Shans and Burmese Shans, the 
former having no affection for the latter ; but both we believe 
to be equally hostile to the throne of Ava. Independence 
seems to be the ruling principle of all the Shans. We read, not 
long ago, a sensible opinion, that a good understanding should 
exist between the British Indian Government and the Shan States 
with regard to reciprocal acts of accommodation and courtesy. 
Zimmay had thrown off its allegiance to Ava and boasted a 
considerable army, including two hundred and fifty elephants ; 
the writer, therefore, thought the political connection between 
us and the Shan States should be placed on some sure footing. 

* The Tartars to this day are a wild and wandering race, living in encamp- 
ments of moveable tents, which they carry from place to place. The Shans 
may have been a more civilised tribe, fond of traffic. 



366 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

Productive Capacity of the Shan Countries. 
Town of Bamo, and Trade. 
With 9, view to strengthening the commercial interests of Eng- 
land in Chin-India^ the author of this work thinks a few 
notes regarding the Shan Countries, north and east of Ava, 
will be of use at the present time. They are from an excellent 
paper by Lieutenant -Colonel S. F. Hannay, published in the 
Records of the Bengal Government, 1857. 

The productive capacities of the regions inhabited by the 
Shan tribes are great, particularly Siam and the territories east 
and north of it. In Siam proper, great impulse has been given 
to industry by the Chinese settlers on the rich delta of the 
Menam river, and sugar, cotton, with rice and pepper of a 
superior quality, form most important items in the extensive 
export trade between Bankok and some of the maritime 
Chinese ports, and more particularly the island of Hainan. 

Vegetable Productions. — The lower ranges of the hills bound- 
ing the Menam, Cambodia, and their tributary streams, are 
covered with forests, with valuable timber such as teak and 
rose- wood ; besides various drugs, spices, dye-woods and gums. 
Among the latter may be reckoned gamboge, cardamums, 
saffron, red-wood, and sandal- wood. Large quantities of stic-lac 
are produced, both in the lower Laos and the Shan States, west 
of the Sal ween river, under Burma, which find their way to 
Rangoon and Moulmein (Maulmain). The tea-plant is exten- 
sively cultivated by the Polongs, in the hilly region of the 
Moongmeet and Senvee Province, under Burma; and it may 
here be worthy of notice that the tea-plant of the Polongs is 
identical with that of Assam, both being distinct from that of 
China. The Polongs are the manufacturers of leing or lepek, 
a preparation of the tea-leaf which is much esteemed by the 
Burmans and eaten on all occasions as a condiment, sometimes 
fried in oil. It is the young twigs and leaves of the tea-tree 
subjected in large masses to a half state of fermentation; and 



THE SHAN COUNTEIES. 367 

-when the process is complete^ it is packed into large bamboo 
baskets and taken to Burma proper (Upper Burma), where it 
is exposed for sale in every bazaar, from Ava to Rangoon, and 
is thus visible in masses about the size of half-a-dozen bricks, 
lying generally on a board, being of sufficient compactness to 
allow of the vendor cutting off with a dha or large knife as 
much as may be purchased. Tea also, of a coarse Bohea kind, 
is manufactured by the Polongs ; this is brought in round 
hard balls cemented together, by paddy starch-water, and also 
in a loose state in large baskets, the latter principally by land 
on ponies or mules, and both are sold at a very cheap rate. 

To the above vegetable productions may be added fibres of 
the most useful kind to the people themselves, amongst which 
is the pan, identical with the grass cloth plant of China and 
rheea of Assam. Silk is also produced by the Shans, though 
the best kinds come from China. 

Minerals. — The Shan territories are rich in mineral. In 
Siam proper and the tributary states of the Laos there are 
ores of tin, antimony, lead, and abundance of iron. In the 
north-east corner of the Province of Moongmeet is situated 
the celebrated Bandwen, or silver mine, which belongs to the 
King of Ava, but it appears to be worked by the Chinese, who 
probably rent it either from that monarch or from the dependent 
Shan Toobwa (Chobwa), or Prince, in whose territory it lies. Of 
its productiveness little can be said, as the Burmese are jealous 
of foreigners knowing about their supplies of this metal. 

About twenty-five miles south of the town of Moongmeet, 
and sixty north and east of the Burmese capital (Ava), are 
situated the celebrated ruby and sapphire localities, called 
Mogaut and Kyatpen, and not Capellan as hitherto written, and 
supposed to be in the kingdom of Pegu. In Colonel Hannay 
we have another witness to the fact that the mineral resources 
of the Shan territories immediately north of Ava are not so 
well known, little being done by the Burmese to bring to light 
the natural riches of their country in this respect. [It has 



368 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

been already mentioned that eighty miles nearly east of Man- 
dalay, about fifty miles south-west of Theinnee^ is Theebo, with 
hilly spotSj and that from the latter place the present Golden Foot 
takes his name_, probably inheriting his extravagant notions 
from the wealthy nats (evil spirits), from a country so rich in 
minerals, continually surrounding him ! ] 

The situation of the Chinese Mart of Bamo, on the Upper 
Irawady, is thus described : — It is also styled Manmo, and 
is in lat. 24° 12' and 97° of E. long., on the left bank of the 
river. It is the modern capital of the old Shan province of 
that name, extending north as far as lat. 25°, bounded on the 
east by the great black mountains of the Chinese, which se- 
parate the Burmese territories from Yunnan. It is interesting 
to note that this residence o£ a Burmese governor and his 
under officers appears to have had a double influence — the 
district and its land revenue having been (1857) in the hands 
of one of the Queens of the King of Ava, a sister of the Tapan 
Rajah of Assam. The amount of revenue, including the duties 
at the principal and inferior marts, used to be three lakhs of 
rupees (thirty thousand pounds). Bamo was thus described in 
1836 : — " I find that this is a modern town, erected on the 
banks of the Irawady, for the convenience of water carriage 
between it and Ava. The old Shan town of Manmo, or Bamno, 
is situated two days^ journey up the Tipan river, which falls 
into the Irawady, about a mile above the new town of Bamo or 
Zee-theet Zeit, or new mart landing place. This modern town 
is situated on high unequal ground, and the bank toward the 
river is from forty to fifty feet in height and composed of clay. 
With the exception of Ava and Rangoon it is the largest place 
I have seen in Burma, and not excepting these places I cer- 
tainly think it the most interesting. ... I felt as if I 
were almost in a civilised land again, when I found myself 
amongst fair-coraplexioned people, wearing jackets and trowsers, 
after being accustomed to the harsh features and parti-coloured 
dress of the Burmans. The people I saw were Chinese from 



VALUE OP UPPEE BUEMA. 369 

the province of Yunnan^, and Shans from the Shan provinces 
subject to China. Bamo is said to contain one thousand five 
hundred houses, but including several villages which join it, 
I should say it contained two thousand, at least two hun- 
dred of which are inhabited by Chinese. Besides the perma- 
nent population of Bamo, there are always a great number 
of strangers there, Chinese, Shans, Polongs, and Khykhyens 
(Kakhyens), who either come to make purchases, or to 
be hired as workmen. There are also a great number of 
Assamese, both in the town and the villages, amongst 
whom are several members of the Tapan or Assam Rajah's 
family." — The Chinese import trade with Bamo is great in 
the month of December. Save for the floods, there might be 
constant intercourse with Yunnan. Among the articles im- 
ported into Burma are raw silk, rich China silks, velvets, and 
gold, all of which are taken to the capital. The transit of 
cotton is periodical, and large boats are employed in it. 



V. 

The Value of Upper Burma. 
In a country — the old Burmese Empire — where all rank was 
official, a royal monopoly of riches was only considered natural. 
To the northward of Ava, there were (and, doubtless, are still) 
mines of gold, silver, and precious stones — rubies and sapphires 
of the finest description — but, as all mines throughout the 
kingdom formed one of the numerous royal monopolies, and 
were only worked at particular times, by special order from 
the Golden Foot (one of whose titles is — " Proprietor of the 
Mines of Rubies, Gold, and Silver"^), the nation derived little 
benefit from their existence. No specie, however plentiful it 
might be, was permitted to be exported ; and this formed one 
great drawback to the trade with Ava. " The merchants, un- 
able to carry off all their profits or returns in produce, were 
often under the necessity of suspending .their sales, even when 

24 



370 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

the demand was greatest^ and the native merchants ready to 
pay for their goods in silver or gold^ or to smuggle the money 
into vessels, at a great risk of seizure and consequent forfeiture/^ 
— Vast sums were annually expended in building and gilding 
pagodas, in which images of Gautama, made of solid fgold, were 
frequently buried. It was difficult, after the capture of Ran- 
goon, and our occupation of other strongholds, to keep the 
Europeans from breaking into the pagodas to discover this 
treasure. In the large gilt wooden images — some of them 
not unlike those of Assyria — frequently splendid rubies were 
found. If this were the case in Lower, what might we not 
find in Upper Burma ? Truly the mineralogy of the country 
is rich, abundant, and various ; and, if properly worked under 
British protection and enterprise, would pay off at least half of 
the whole debt of India within the present century ! 

Gold.* 

It has been generally supposed that Upper Burma is not 
rich in itself as regards this metal, but there would seem to 
be good grounds for supposing that it exists very extensively. 
In former years the gold used in the country was imported 
from China to the extent of some four hundred or five hundred 
viss annually, but the imports have considerably decreased 
since the commencement of the Mahomedan rebellion in 
Yunnan, and now do not exceed two hundred viss per annum, 
the deficiency being imported from Rangoon. It is an article 
that is greatly used in the decorative art, and appears to be 
generally plentiful. 

In the Mogoung district there would seem to be a gold-field 



* From a valuable Memorandum by Captain G. A. Strover, Political Agent, 
Mandalay, on the Metals and Minerals of Upper Burma. The Chief Commis- 
sioner had called for a Eeport on the mineral resources of the country, April 
1873. 



GOLD. 371 

that^ if properly worked, would prove very productive. Some 
years ago, a Mr. Golding, of Australian experience, contracted 
with the King to work one square mile of this field for a sum 
of twenty-five thousand rupees annually, for ten years, but 
unfortunately the district proved to be malarious and Mr. 
Golding succumbed to fever; he, however, pronounced the 
fields to be equal to any in Australia, if not better. I am not 
aware that he succeeded in procuring much gold. Since then 
no attempt has been made on the part of the Burmese Govern- 
ment to work the mines. 

To the north-east of Mandalay, in the Shan States, there is 
another field of gold. My information tends to show that here 
again, with energy and enterprise, considerable quantities of 
gold could be extracted, and the mines prove very productive ; 
but the locality at present is malarious, and but little gold is 
procured. 

At Thayet-pein-yua, near the Myit-Nyay, on the road to 
Pyoungshoo, to the south-east of Mandalay, the gold quartz is 
found in abundance, the reefs cropping up from the ground, 
and there is reason to believe that very valuable gold-mines 
are in existence, and could be worked and developed with 
little trouble. A Shan lately procured from here a piece of 
quartz, three and a half pounds in weight, that produced exactly 
two and a half ticals of gold. 

In the Yaw district, to the south-west of Mandalay, gold is 
obtained in fair quantities in the alluvial deposits ; it exists at 
Sagaing, Kannee, Sein-joo, and is also obtained from the 
Kyeend-ween river, and, indeed, it is procurable from the sands 
of most of the streams between Mandalay and Mogoung. The 
natural conclusion from this profusion of gold in the rivers and 
streams of Upper Burma is that it exists in large quantities 
in situ somewhere, and, as I have explained, this is the case, 
and doubtless there are more deposits that have not been 
discovered. 

24 * 



372 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

Silver 
Is found in many localities in the Shan States to the east of 
the Irawady river, but the most prolific mines are those situ- 
ated at Bawyine, Kyouktch and Toung-byne, near Theebau, to 
the north-east of Mandalay. It is mixed with lead^ and is, in 
fact, a rich argentiferous galena. One mine, the Kampanee, 
will yield as much as forty ticals of silver and twenty-five viss 
of lead from one basket of the ore, while the poorest mine gives 
four ticals of silver and thirty viss* of lead. Other mines exist, 
such as the Bandween, Bandweengyee, and Sagaing. The metal 
is also found in other towns unmixed with lead. The supply 
of silver obtained hitherto has been sufiicient for the require- 
ments of the country in conjunction with the imports from 
Yunnan. 

Copper. 

This metal is found in the Shan States, but is not worked. 
It is also found at Kolen-myo and Sagaing j at Bawyine and 
Kolen-myo the malachite appears to be of a rich description. 
The copper resources of the Shan States do not appear to have 
been ever utilised to any extent, and the deposits, which seem 
to be abundant, remain as nature placed them. The Sagaing 
mines were worked in former times by Chinese, but many years 
have elapsed since they were abandoned. The surface ore is 
not promising. Most of the copper used in Upper Burma 
is imported from China. It is plentiful in the province of 
Yunnan. 

Iron. 

Iron abounds in the Shan States, and the district of Pagan, 
to the south of Mandalay, is noted for it. A manufactory 
exists on a rough and ready scale in this district at Pohpah- 
Toung, but the out-turn is inconsiderable. To the west of 
Sagaing, for miles up the Irawady river, the ore abounds — a 

* The Ticcal is a CMnese weight, of about 4i ounces, and the viss an Indian 
of about 3i lbs. ! (Note, 1879.) 



METALS AND COAL. 373 

rich hematite. His Majesty is now procuring iron- works from 
England, and will before long have a large foundry, with 
all the requisite machinery, erected and at work at Sagaing. 
The surface hematite alone will feed it for years to come, if 
worked. 

Two mining engineers are now awaiting the arrival of the 
works, and expect to proceed to Sagaing soon to commence 
operations. 

Lead 

Is found in abundance in the Shan States, and is extracted 
from galena. Considerable quantities of this metal could be 
obtained if such were desired. At present moderate supplies are 
procured, sufficient for the requirements of the land. It is 
also imported from Yunnan. 

Tin. 

This metal exists in the Shan States to the south-east of 
Mandalay, but the mines have never been worked. The tin 
consumed in the country now is all imported. 

Platinum 

Is said to exist in the Shan States, and it seems probable 
that it does exist, but I have no reliable information on this 
point. 

Graphite 
Is found to the east of Nat-taik in large quantities on a low 
range of hills near the village Nyoke-toke. It is not utilised. 

Coal. 

This mineral is known to exist at Thingadaw, about seventy 
miles above Mandalay, on the western bank of the Irawady ; 
at Shuaygoo below Bamo ; at Meimbaloung in the Shan States 
east of Mandalay ; to the south-west of Mandalay in the Yaw 



374 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

district^ at Yaignaw, east of Nat-taik. It is found at Pagan 
and Shimpagahj and it is probable that it exists near Menbla 
and Yeynaugyoung. At Tbingadaw the coal has been ex- 
tracted, but it is of an inferior description, and more resembles 
lignite than the true mineral coal. An attempt was lately 
made here to ascertain the productiveness of the coal-beds. It 
is nearly certain that plenty of coal exists in the locality, and 
a few more borings would probably prove this. The coal-bed 
in the Shan States, at Meimbaloung, contains the true mineral 
coal, and consequently a valuable coal. It has been inspected 
by an experienced mining engineer, and highly approved of as 
equal to the best English coal. There is little doubt that the 
beds are extensive, but unfortunately the distance inland is 
great, and no easy means are available for transporting the 
coal to the low lands ; indeed, the only method at present is by 
floating it down mountain streams and rapids on rafts, which 
entails considerable risk and loss of coal. European skill and 
enterprise would soon make a safe route of one description or 
another if really required by the Government ; it remains at 
present, with neighbouring wealth, where nature placed it, 
awaiting " development in times to come.^' — May the time for 
such development soon arrive !* 



VI. 

Summary of Events from 1826 to 1879, with a Sketch 
OF King Theebau^s Progress. 
The royal house of Burma has long been distinguished for 
surprises as well as monopolies. From the golden capital of 
the " Lord of Earth and Air,-*' wondrous tales have proceeded ; 
and within it, all of a sudden, changes and " deeds of dreadful 
note," from time to time, have taken place, excelling in inten- 

* Jade and amber, sulplmr, saltpetre, rubies, sapphires, garnets, &c., salt, 
and petroleum (the valuable and useful mineral oil), nearly complete Captain 
Strover's interesting list. Six years ago the total supply of earth-oU in 
Upper Burma was nearly 11,000 tons per annum. On tlie wliole. Upper 
Burma would seem to have " a grand future " in store for it ! 



KING THEEBAU. 375 

sity all tliat we have read of in the history of other Asiatic 
kingdoms. Kind British advice has always been thrown away 
on such absolute and arrogant monarchs. Alompra, upwards 
of a century ago^ although hard pressed during the conquest of 
Pegu^ despised our assistance, and would have nothing to say 
to us; and the great founder of the reigning dynasty died, 
destined to have successors under whom there would be frequent 
revolts and massacres, and who would some day give us much 
anxiety and trouble. 

A French writer of celebrity has well and truly said, that we 
preserve the memory of bad princes, as we record fires, plagues, 
and inundations. Shakspeare, in '^ King John/' alluding to 
the evil purposes of kings, deems it their curse to be surrounded 
by slaves who servilely execute their orders, even to breaking 
into " the bloody house of life " — 

" And, on the winking of authority, 

To understand a law, to know the meaning 

Of dangerous majesty "... 
when it has resulted from the king^s humour rather than from 
deliberate consideration. To be thus charitable at the com- 
mencement of a rapid sketch of a genuine Burman monarch's 
progress, and give King Theebau^ the full benefit of the word 
''humour,'^ is all that can be advanced in his behalf; while 
even that vanishes when we think, with regard to this King, 
of the poet^s truthful lines : — 

"How oft the sight of means to do ill-deeds 

Makes- ill-deeds done ! " 
We then pause, and ponder on one who has for some months 
traded in cruelty — a creature without a shadow of remorse — 
till at length we feel a natural anxiety to behold the spirit of 
some murdered innocent rush forward, as a Nemesis from the 
unseen world, to avenge the foul massacre ! 

If we are wrong, and it be true that, but for the effects of 

* Or Thebaw, or Theebaw ; but tlie above is probably the most correct 
spelling, as nearest to the Burmese Theebo, the principality. 



376 OUE JJUEMESB WARS. 

drinking, and evil counsellors or agents being by, the murders 
"■ had not come into his mind/^ then we may be too severe ; 
but still we have been enabled to bring forth from Chin-India 
— what well-meaning but not generally practical temperance 
philanthropists should make capital of — the important fact of 
murder and drinking being combined in lands other than our 
own! 

" More massacres ! " — " The King still drinking ! " — Such, 
from the beginning of 1879, has been an occasional burden of 
the telegrams and letters which have arrived from Mandalay. 
The thirst for blood and gin appeared to be equally unquench- 
able j and the proverbial wish of the Dutchman, in the old 
song, regarding his depth of draught of the national spirit, had 
at length found a counterpart in that of King Thebau. The 
progress of such a man is worth recording. 

Hogarth's " Rakers Progress,'' with all the terrible ideas 
which sm-round it, is, perhaps, about the mildest edition of this 
king that could be conceived. Allowing for the difference of 
civilisation of the two countries, we mourn over the dissipated 
and cruel Asiatic, with so many grand opportunities — legion in 
comparison with those of Hogarth^s rake — and think what 
good he might have done — what firm and profitable relations 
he might have established with the British Government — how, 
in short, he might have become a noble character, with all the 
" divinity " — in Burma the kings are intimately related to 
Gautama!* — "which doth hedge a king!" Before chro- 
nicling such a progress, let us give a brief summary of various 
important events. It will suffice for our present purpose to 
commence with Phagyi-dau, one of Thebau's ancestors, a 
haughty and overbearing king, whose arrogant conduct forced 
on the First Burmese War. The influence possessed over him 

* The head of the Burmese religion — an incarnation of Buddha, which 
signifies "wisdom," "enlightened." Strange enough, Gautama is a saint 
in the Eoman calendar. Pity that the King is sometimes so unworthy of his 
patron ! 



SUMMAEI OF EVENTS. 377 

by his queen has been attributed to sorcery ; and, in the latter 
years of his reign_, he suflfered much from hypochondria, and at 
length became insane.* 

It is important to remark at the present time that the " vital 
clause " in the Yandaboo Treaty of 1826 was that referring to 
the establishment of a Resident or Envoy at the capital. In 
1830, when Major Burney was sent to Ava as Envoy, he re- 
ported unfavourably of the proposal to have a permanent 
representative at the Burmese Court. It was, he very shrewdly 
thought, with such regal material on the throne, sure to pro- 
duce irritation, and, perhaps, eventual disaster. 

The efforts made to open up good relations, or " a genuine 
and sympathetic intercourse with the ruler " (above mentioned) 
were abortive. The King had neither the sense nor the incli- 
nation to understand the value of commercial intercourse with 
the British. " Although averse from the shedding of blood," we 
read that one of his principal amusements was, Saul-like, " to 
fling his spear at or among those courtiers who came under his 

displeasure."t 

We now come to his brother Tharawadi, who, with 
the usual fraternal affection of the Burmese Eoyal Family, 
deposed Phagyi-dau and placed him in confinement, in 1837. 
Tharawadi was the younger son of the Crown Prince, who had 
never reigned, and seemed to possess all the abihty requisite for 
a great ruler and worthy descendant of Alompra. As Prince, 
Tharawadi had seemed a friend to the British, boasting of his 
" love of humanity and of a peaceful rule.''^ But as King, he 
was '^ of a different turn of mind " ; eventually detesting " wise 
counsel,^^ and especially the presence of all foreigners in his 
capital. At that time. Colonel Burney deemed it prudent to 
" withdraw himself from the presence of the tyrant ■'■' — which 
withdrawal was censured by Lord Auckland. During the next 

* See General Fytche's "Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 83. 
t See an excellent article in the " Times," 11th of April, " The Kingdom of 
Bnrmah." 



378 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

tew years he consolidated his power by the murder of all his 
most formidable relatives. 

Diplomatic intercourse with King Tharawadi closed when 
that worthy man and excellent officer Captain (now General) 
McLeod withdrew from Burmese territory, early in 1840. In 
1841, Tharawadi assumed a decidedly hostile attitude towards 
the British Government, ignoring the Treaty of Yandaboo, 
and threatening to drive us out of Arakan and Tenasserim. 
This, of course, had produced great excitement in Calcutta. 
Like his predecessor, the King became insane. Plots were 
formed against him ; and, strange to say, in the very year in 
which his full brother died (1845), he was deposed and con- 
fined in the palace of Amarapiira, the " new capital ■'■' which had 
been founded by Bhodan Prau (Phra), the third son of Alompra. 

Tharawadi was succeeded by his son, the Prince of Pagan, 
or Pagan Meng. After the Second Burmese War, Pagan 
Meng was deposed. As has been well observed, the triumph 
of the British army was the knell of this sovereign — the 
"Cock-fighting^' King, as he was called in Burma. For 
seven years he was in every sense " wickedly mad.-*-* He was 
succeeded by his younger brother. Prince Mengdon Meng. As 
King he refused to sign a treaty of peace, which caused Lord 
Dalhousie, after the Second Burmese War, to define his own 
boundary of the newly conquered territory. But Mengdon 
was a vast improvement on his late predecessors, and showed a 
decided turn for trade and business ; and, notwithstanding his 
monopolising tendencies, with his love of the old "Burman 
custom," his reign was of considerable advantage to Burma. 
His practical reforms brought him not a few enemies ; and his 
rule, as usual, was not free from internal sedition. In 1866, 
during a rising, many princes of the royal house were executed.* 



* " Althougli the dynasty of Alompra has been maintained for more than 
a century, the kingdom has been constantly exposed to palace revolutions." — 
" Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 211. 



SUMMARY OP EVENTS. 379 

During King Mengdon^s reign, also, most important events 
as regarded our relations took place. Elsewhere (No. 1, Paper on 
Burma) we have alluded to the complimentary mission in 1855 
sent to Calcutta by the King of Burma. Then came a return 
mission to Amarapura, in the middle o£ the same year, under the 
present Sir Arthur Phayre (then Colonel). The Burmese 
capital was eventually transferred from Amarapura to Mandalay 
(founded by Mengdon in 1860); and, in January 1862^ the 
three divisions of Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim were formed 
into the Chief Commissionership of British Burma. Up to 
1873, the Chief Commissioners appointed were Sir Arthur 
Phayre, Major-General Fytche, and the Honourable Ashley 
Eden. The Chief Commissioner's power extends along the 
eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal from Chittagong to Siam 
in 10° N. lat. British Burma is geographically divided " into 
Arakan, the valley of the Irawady, the valley of the Salween, 
and Tenasserim.-"'^ And when we consider that he has the 
control of an extensive province, with one thousand miles of 
frontier, it will be seen that the Chief Commissioner is an 
Asiatic sovereign not to be despised ! Sir Arthur Phayre, the 
first Chief, concluded the Treaty of 1862 ; but although the 
British Government abolished the duties on their side of 
the frontier, the Burmese did nothing whatever. It was our 
grand object to educate the Burmese in the principles of free 
trade. The King was always waiting for a more convenient 
season to carry ojiit Ms idea of trade reform. It should be kept 
in mind that in 1855 the King had objected " to any treaty 
which would recognise the loss of Pegu." He said to the 
Envoy, " If a treaty is made there must be mutual advantage!" 
Mengdon, not seeming inclined to sign the treaty, was informed 
by Colonel Phayre that " without a treaty no gunpowder or 
warlike stores would be permitted to pass up the river Irawady; 



* " Annals of Indian Administration in the Tear 1871-2," p. 79. 



380 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

but that i£ a treaty were concluded, a confidence would be esta- 
blished according to Western ideas, and commodities of all 
descriptions would be permitted to pass."* The main object 
of the first mission had been to establish friendly relations, and 
to make another attempt to conclude a definite treaty with the 
King, which fact was broadly stated to His Majesty. The 
King refused to sign, but friendly relations were established. 
After 1862 other obstacles to free trade arose, the principal of 
which was that nearly every article of produce in Upper Burma 
was a royal monopoly. Burmese merchants could not sell " grain 
timber, cutch, or other commodities, except through royal 
brokers, or express permission of the local authorities.^^ 

The next important event calculated to disturb British re- 
lations was — although the King was well-disposed towards us 
— the insult offered to two British officers, while exploring the 
intricate and dangerous Salween river, by arrogant Burmese 
officials. They were stopped and sent back, '^in direct vio- 
lation of the treaty ! " An English gentleman was also beaten 
in the streets of the capital. 

Another mission was to have started for Mandalay early in 
1866, but it was checked by the insurrection in Upper Burma, 
during which the Crown Prince was assassinated. Captain 
Sladen was at this time the British representative at Mandalay; 
and it is curious to remark at present — when so many great 
events are on the gale — that " during the insurrection, the 
Burmese considered themselves more secure on the premises 
of the British representative than in their own houses ! " f 

Captain Sladen — one of the bravest and most energetic 
officers we have ever had in Burma — remained at Mandalay for 



* For this information General Pytclie refers to the splendid work, by 
Colonel Yule, C.B., of the Engineers, (who was Secretary to the Mission,) 
entitled " Narrative of the Mission to the Court of Ava," pp. 97-98. See 
" Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 208. 

f " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 213. 



SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 381 

seven days after the outbreak ; but, as the King could not 
guarantee either the safety of the lives or the property of the 
European residents, he embarked with nearly the whole of 
them in a " British merchant steamer/' and proceeded to 
Rangoon. It should be recorded that the King, without per- 
mission, had been employing this steamer against the rebels 
headed by the two rebel princes ; but this can easily be excused 
from the danger the Golden Foot was subjected to. The 
insurrection was suppressed ; the rebel princes, having seized 
one of the King's steamers,, came into British territory, when 
" Colonel Phayre took the necessary steps for preventing them 
from committing further mischief; and they were required 
to reside at Rangoon, under the surveillance of the British 
authorities." 

"When the rebellion had passed away, about the end of 1866, 
Colonel Phayre again proceeded to Mandalay. Nothing of 
great importance apparently resulted from this mission, which 
must have been considered a disheartening failure by the very 
able and ever zealous Chief Commissioner. The King, true to 
his cloth, would not reduce his frontier duties, nor forego any 
one of his monopolies. Thus, at the end of a splendid career 
in Burma, and having, through the care of the rebel princes, 
relieved the King from danger — probably saved his life — our 
Chief met with the usual Burmese or Oriental ingratitude on 
this last occasion of his strong endeavour to put common sense 
into the head of the Golden Foot, a sovereign by no means 
wanting in ability.* 

It has been remarked that King Mengdon, when (some 
twelve or fourteen years ago) the overthrow of the Panthays 
— ^Mahomedans of Yunnan, South-west China — brought Chinese 
arms into his vicinity, intrigued " with the representatives of 
the celestials in Yunnan.'" There was also ; 



* ETentually, on return to Europe, General Sir Arthur Phayi-e's great ser- 
vices were rewarded with the Governorship of Mauritius. 



382 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

question, in recent years, concerning the Karen frontier ; but, 
notwithstanding these escapades in the reign of Mengdon, and 
the probability of the wild tribes on our frontier, nominally 
under his control, promising to become a permanent source of 
trouble and annoyance, " so long as the late King lived it was 
clear that no cause for just umbrage would be given to us/' 
His death, early in October 1878, produced a period of bar- 
barity and uncertainty at Mandalay, of which it is most 
difficult, at present, to see the end. 

We have not yet alladed to a most important mission, with 
General (then Colonel) Albert Fytche as Envoy, in September 
1867 ; but there are a few points in it which, in these unsettled 
and warlike times, may be of interest, before turning to the 
progress of King Theebau.f 

The new Chief Commissioner was appointed in March 1867, 
and, in the following May, his Burman Majesty appeared to be 
about abolishing some of his monopolies and reducing the 
frontier duties ; but the good news, made public through pro- 
clamations, was considered to be simply a blind. Then another 
conspiracy took place at Mandalay, in which Captain Sladen, 
who had resumed his duties at the capital, greatly distinguished 
himself. The Princes of the Blood were about to be executed. 
The Resident immediately went to the King, and got a reprieve 
with which he galloped off, but was too late to save all the 
victims. The eldest son of the Crown Prince was already in 
the agonies of death ; but the younger brothers were saved by 
the gallant English representative. Strange enough, the King 
said he was unaware that the execution had been ordered by 
his ministers, and " warmly thanked " Captain Sladen for his 
interference. This was very properly accepted as " a proof of 



* A complete acconnt, with the official narrative, of this mission, will be 
found in General Pytche's valuable and beautifully got up work, "Burma, 
Past and Present " — a work containing more general information than any 
other we have read on the subject of Burma. 



SUMMARY OP EVENTS. 383 

the friendly relations which were growing up between the 
British Government and the King of Burma." But yet there 
was room for suspicion that a good deal of Machiavelli 
hovered about this sort of conduct ; and, perhaps, Mengdon 
would not have made a bad Chin-Indian model of a " Prince '''' 
for the great Florentine to work on ! Truly, " the present state 
of political relations with Burma " had " no connection what- 
ever with the old diplomacy of the eighteenth century/-' The 
voyage of the mission was made in two steamers, the " Ne- 
mesis " and " Colonel Phayre/^ and leaving Rangoon on the 
20th of September, they arrived at Mandalay, seven miles 
above Amarapura — which old capital, with Ava, they passed on 
the left bank of the river — on the 7th of October. It almost 
seemed as if the gallant new Chief Commissioner had gone 
with his " Nemesis " to avenge the insults offered to his great 
predecessor by the King in not acceding to his requests ! 
However that may be, the reception was a brilliant one. Man- 
dalay had, for this occasion, cast away her bloody garments, 
and put on holiday costume. The Envoy was of opinion that 
Mengdon was " one of the most enlightened monarchs that ever 
sat on the Burmese throne," but, since his accession to the throne, 
he had been educated in a political school " perhaps the worst 
in the world." He boasted that he had never ordered an exe- 
cution since his reign began, but left it all to his ministers ; 
the Envoy was likewise of opinion that the King's reign had not 
been disgraced, like his predecessors', by wanton atrocities and 
wild excesses. The natural question then comes to be. From 
whom did King Theebau learn his jovial and severe lessons 
of drinking and murder? The King asked the Envoy for 
arms and steamers, " on which point, as he had been informed 
on several previous occasions by Sir Arthur Phayre, the English 
Government was inclined to be liberal." He wished to guard 
against rebellion ; but, as a selfish Buddhist potentate, he cared 
nothing for the ^^ well-being of his subjects." This hardly 
agrees with our ideas of an " enlightened " king. 



§84 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

After a discussion about the steamers required^ wlien His 
Majesty was informed by Colonel Fytche that there were^many 
varieties of steamers suitable for river navigation, the King said 
— " I also want eight thousand rifles ; you have already as- 
sented to my having two thousand, which I am now getting 
from Dr. Williams ; and if you let me have eight thousand 
more, I shall have ten thousand men well armed with rifles, 
and they will always remain near me at the capital/^ 

To this Colonel Fytche replied, '' that the rifles could be fur- 
nished, but that the kind of rifle wanted should be settled." — 
After some remarks on smooth-bores and breech-loaders, the 
King turned on his sofa to leave, saying, with a political saga- 
city which even Napoleon or Talleyrand might have envied, 
" Sladen, I am sorry you have been sick. I shall send you 
something to-morrow to make you well,'^ and with that with- 
drew.* Could any Sovereign of the West have shown more 
courtesy than this ? 

The weak point in the treaty duly signed on the occasion of 
this mission, and which treaty had great mercantile advantages 
in largely increasing our exports to Upper Burma, is the latter 
portion of the eighth article, in which it is stated that " the 
Burmese Government shall further be allowed permission to 
purchase arms, ammunition, and war materials generally, in 
British territory, subject only to the consent and approval 
in each case of the Chief Commissioner.'" Had the Cal- 
cutta Secretariat — we presume the Foreign Office — before the 
ratification of the treaty, suggested some more stringent 



* See vol. ii. p. 274. A copy of the signed treaty will also be found, with 
tlie Official Narrative, in the Appendix to "Burma, Past and Present." The 
eighth article of the treaty runs thus : — " In accordance with the great friend- 
ship which exists between the two Governments, the subjects of either shall 
be allowed free trade in the import and export of gold and silver bullion 
between the two countries, without let or hindrance of any kind, on due 
declaration being made at the time of import or export." 



SUMMARY OP EVENTS. 385 

wording, or, what might have been better stilly struck out 
the latter portion of the article altogether, leaving, without 
expressing it_, the question entirely to the Chief Commissioner's 
good will and discretion, we respectfully venture to think 
that King Mengdon^s mind would have been relieved from 
some doubt on the subject of arms. John Bull in his policy, 
East and West, too frequently injures himself by an excess 
of good nature. To have made obtaining arms conditional 
on a time of peace, also, would not have done ; for it is 
just in these so-called times of peace in Burma and China, 
as in a few enlightened countries of Europe, that war and 
rebellion may be nigh at hand! It is the old, sad story; 
we need not seek it, but, until some radical change takes 
place in the relations of States, we must continue to be 
prepared for war ! 

We are not aware that the King ever got all the arms or 
stores he wanted ; perhaps he haji not the money to purchase 
them; but, some seven or eight years ago, after the expedition 
to the Looshai country, the present writer remarked elsewhere 
that our difficulty with regard to a then probable outbreak in 
Upper Burma was not lessened by a knowledge of the fact 
from Mandalay, that in order to put down local disturbances, 
and perhaps be able to resist the Chinese, the Russians, or the 
English, the King of Burma was " very anxious to arm his 
soldiers with rifles, and obtain rifled cannon-" (1872). Had 
Mengdon been on the throne at the present time, he might 
have had more fear than ever as to China, on hearing of the 
restoration of Kuldja — which the Czar never had any right to 
take away — the adjustment of the so-called Russian Western 
Mongolian frontier — the forced payment of five millions of 
roubles to Russia by' the Chinese, and the possibility of a 
Chinese army descending on Upper Burma to make up the 
losses sustained by the Celestials from Russian intrigue ! On 
the other hand, it was believed that his successor had formed 
an alliance with China. , 

25 



68b OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

Let us, while writing at the end of September 1879 — ^having 
just heard of a desperate outbreak and massacre at Herat (and 
consequently that " key " running more risk than ever of a 
"Russian coup de main"), foWowmg so soon after the insur- 
rection and massacre at Cabul — now return to King Theebau. 

Of the early days of this Chin-Indian potentate we know 
little or nothing ; but it may be presumed that, unlike his 
traditionary prototype, Gautama, he was never contemplative, 
but always inclined for action. It is not difficult to picture 
him, when sowing his wild oats, enjoying the most harrowing 
pooay — Burmese drama — taking a rare pleasure in the society 
of ^' posture girls," and being very savage (if it be usual for 
princes to play) at the Burmese game of football. Determined 
to prove himself a worthy descendant of his grandfather. King 
Tharawadi, at the commencement of his regal career, he was 
said to "habitually carry about the spear with which his 
savage relative was wont to deal out death to those of his at- 
tendants, ministers, or menials who displeased him." Like 
Tharawadi, he was well educated, and at one time liked the 
English. The person of the King of Burma is thus described: — 
" He is little over twenty, and has been barely four months on 
the throne" (February 1879), "He is a tall, well-built, per- 
sonable young man. He is very fair in complexion, has a good 
forehead, clear steady eyes, and a firm but pleasant mouth. 
His chin is full and somewhat sensual looking, but withal he 
is a manly, frank-faced young fellow, and is said to have 
gained self-possession, and left the early nervous awkwardness 
of his new position with great rapidity." 

He was by some considered to have a strong will of his own, 
was not always the victim of his ministers, and showed no 
fondness " for any diminution of the royal prerogative." Here 
we have some good materials for a king ; but we know appear- 
ances to be deceitful. After the death of the old King (Octo- 
ber 3rd), it was the opinion in Mandalay that the accession of 
King Thebau was entirely due to harem intrigue. The Nyoung- 



KING THEEBAU'S PEOGEESS. 387 

yan Prince was the favourite in the succession. Mengdon had 
desired it, and his election woiild have given satisfaction to the 
people ; but the Nyoungyan Prince was married, which at that 
time was his misfortune. " The mother of the ladies who have 
the honour of being King Theebau^s wives, intriguing with the 
ministers, so managed matters that the Nyoungyan Prince, and 
his brother, the Nyoungoke, speedily found it expedient to flee 
with their families from the palace. This they did, and taking 
refuge in the British Residency, were, after a time,* sent down 
to Rangoon, and thence to Calcutta." Theebau, or his mother- 
in-law, fortunately for them, could not induce the two princes 
to return to the palace. We now arrive at the first " damned 
spot'^ in the royal progress. Towards the end of February news 
from Burma was received in Calcutta of the commencement in 
earnest of a new regime. Instead of constitutional reforms 
taking place, under an educated monarch, Theebau had proved 
himself to be a ferocious barbarian. Over " sixty relatives " 
(the number was found afterwards to be exaggerated), male and 
female, of the late King were said to have been executed in the 
palace and prisons, and Mandalay had become the scene of a reign 
of terror. Trade was paralysed. A monster, reminding us of 
Nero or Caligula, had appeared on the throne of the G-olden 
Foot. It was indeed the beginning of a terrible end, and came 
home, especially in Mandalay and Rangoon, to '' men^s busi- 
ness and bosoms '' with a rare intensity. The British Resident 
at the capital, Mr. Shaw (successor to Colonel Duncan), had 
of course, strongly remonstrated with the King on his barba- 
rity, and was exerting himself to prevent further murders. It 
was wisely considered that the Government, haAdng its hands full 
with Afghanistan, would not care to precipitate a war with 
Burma unless British interests were directly menaced ; but it 
was thought that, if the King's progress were marked by similar 



* About the middle of February. 

25 



388 OTJE BUEMBSE WARS. 

brutal conduct^ a collision would^ sooner or later^ become in- 
evitable. The Indian Government_, meanwhile^ had sent in- 
structions to the Resident " to obtain protection for the King's 
surviving relations." Another " fell swoop " might be expected 
at any moment. Although horrible to write it, still, in an age 
desirous of every information, it may be remarked that, accord- 
ing to Mongolian tradition, no blood of any member of the 
royal race must be spilt. ^'^ Princes of the blood are exe- 
cuted by a blow, or blows, on the back of the neck.'' Prin- 
cesses are put to death by a blow in front "instead of the back 
of the neck." * The bodies are then sunk in the river Ira- 
wady, not " usually burnt," as remarked by another writer. 
On the present occasion, we believe, they were buried in a pit. 
To show that the Government were fully alive to the importance 
of the situation in Upper Burma, it may here be remarked 
that, additional troops being asked for, they were at once 
granted; and, early in March, the 54th Foot and Madras 
troops embarked at Calcutta for Rangoon. The whole rein- 
forcements ordered were nearly double the ordinary strength of 
garrisons in British Burma. The number of victims to the 
King's madness was now reported to be forty, instead of eighty 
or sixty. At this time it was telegraphed from Calcutta (March 
9th), " The Rangoon and Irawady State Railway, one hundred 
and sixty-one miles long, and running three trains daily each way, 
connects Rangoon with Prome,* whence outposts at Thayetmyo 
and Toungoo are distant respectively forty and sixty miles, and 
at Mandalay about two hundred and twenty miles. There is a 



* " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 217 {note). 

t This railway " was pushed on rapidly during 1876-77, and was publicly 
opened to traffic on the 1st of May 1877. It connects Eangoon and Prome, a 
distance of one hundred and sixty-three miles. Its opening has caused a very 
appreciable increase of population in the tracts through which it runs." — From 
an admirable " Statement " drawn up in the India Office, and ordered by the 
House of Commons to be printed, August 1878. 



KING THEEBA.U'S PROGRESS. 389 

telegraph from Rangoon to Mandalay, but the line beyond the 
British frontier, maintained by the Burmese authorities and 
working irregularly_, is now interrupted/^ 

Early in March also, in reply to Earl Granville, in the House 
of Lords, Viscount Cranbrook, with reference to the " precau- 
tionary measure of sending reinforcements to Burma, said the 
telegram from the Viceroy was in these terms : — " In com- 
pliance with strong recommendation of Chief Commissioner, 
Rangoon, and Resident, Mandalay, we have reinforced the 
garrison of British Burma by two regiments Native Infantry and 
one British/^ 

The situation in Burma had assumed a really serious aspect. 
But the extensive military preparations going on at Mandalay 
were not so likely to produce King Thebau's downfall as his 
surrounding himself with advisers known to be hostile to the 
British Government. As was well remarked, the ill-advised 
Prince, having committed a shocking outrage on humanity, 
appeared to be making warlike preparations, " perhaps under 
the delusion that he imay recover Pegu.^^ But, like most 
Orientals, he had miscalculated his opportunity. Still, we had 
now lamentable'^experience enough to teach us not to under- 
value any^^enemy whatever ! By the middle of March it was 
considered^that the^ Chief Commissioner, with the 54th Foot 
from Calcutta^ and|the 43rd from Madras, with the native 
regiments from both Presidencies, was able to protect British 
territory injthe event of aggression ; but the position of the 
Resident at Mandalay, and other Europeans there, was, doubt- 
less,"' critical in the extreme. Still, some were bold enough to 
think that the King and his advisers were " not so utterly lost 
to all sense of prudence as to precipitate their own downfall by 
rushing into hostilities with us.^^ The "savage madman at 
Mandalay " was even talked of in the streets of Lahore. From 
that quarter we first learned that at ^Thayetmyo there was 
already a field battery, and at] Toungoo a mountain battery, 
while a garrison battery was ready to take up the equipment 



390 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

forwarded. There would, therefore, be no lack of field artillery, 
" while the defensive works at both the above outposts, as well 
as at Rangoon, were well armed and manned.^' Having again 
mentioned Toungoo, the present writer is led to think of 
twenty-five years ago, when, not long after we had taken pos- 
session of the now rising town, he was suddenly ordered to pro- 
ceed with his detachment of artillery (guns and rockets) to the 
northward. An advanced infantry force, under Captain Geills, 
had met with determined opposition — the commanding officer 
was mortally wounded — while the frontier line was being 
marked out, some forty miles from Toungoo.* We then heard 
of a strong stockade at Ramathayu, another forty, or perhaps 
sixty, miles further north. This post must be the same as 
Yemethen, in the maps of the present day, or Ramethen ; and, 
in the event of a column invading Upper Burma from Toungoo, 
it would only have to proceed direct north to Yemethen, and 
thence, in the same direction, passing Ava and Amarapura, to 
Mandalay — about two hundred and fifty miles, or less. With 
the flotilla of attack from Prome or the frontier town of Mea- 
day, and the advance from Toungoo resolutely performed, 
King Theebau, should he give us trouble, would find himself 
in° a critical position. This slight digression from the royal 
progress may be excused on the plea that " the King is still 
drinking ! " 

Later news informed us that King Theebau was constructing 
fortified works, and making various warlike preparations ; also 
that the Burmese inhabitants of Rangoon had been summoned 
to return to their own country. Non-compliance with this 
order was to be punished by the execution of their families ! 
The " Times of India " remarked, regarding the recent mas- 
sacre : — ^'^ It is ptrange that, when the people of Mandalay 
carry their indignation against the atrocities of the King to 



* See " Pegu," p. 407. 



KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 391 

the length of expressing their desire for British intervention^ 
and the slaughter of so many influential personages must have 
alienated the ruling classes, a revolution does not break out/^ 
And again^ at the conclusion of the summing up — This 
butchery " of the butcher's own relations is an atrocity fully 
equalling any recorded in history^ and shows to what frightful 
lengths unlimited and irresponsible power may carry a human 
being." 

At the time of recording this progress (September 1879) _, and 
the period of our Cabul troubles — which^ through the deter- 
mination of the Indian Government and the valour of our 
troops, must be only temporary — it is of interest to think of 
what the King said to Mr. Archibald Forbes,'^ on his visit, 
early in the year, to the Burmese Court. " Whence does he 
come ? " asked the Golden Foot, at the interview. " From the 
British army in Afghanistan, engaged in war against the Prince 
of Cabul,^' replied Dr. Williams, the interpreter. " And does 
the war prosper for my friends the English ? " '^'^ He reports that 
it has done so greatly, and that the Prince of Cabul is a fugitive." 
Theebau may, before this last question, have been thinking even 
of the Afghans as allies j for, strange to say, history records 
that sixty-five years ago the Burmese asked the Sikhs in the far 
north-west to co-operate with them in driving the British out 
of India ! The King made a remarkable speech during the 
above interview, which makes us think of the truthful saying, 
that " the Devil can cite scripture for his purpose." One of 
the ministers being absent, Theebau asked where he was. On 
being told, it being " Court day," he was in Court, the King 
replied, in quite a Charles-the-Twelfth fashion, '^ It is well. I 
wish the ministers to make every day a Court day, and to 
labour hard to give prompt justice to suitors, so that there be 



* The well-known correspondent of the "Daily News." This important 
visit is quoted in the " Homeward Mail," March 29th, 1879. 



392 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 

no complaint of arrears /■* The "law's delay" was a more 
fearful crime^ in the eyes of Theebau^ than murder ! O^ poor 
Human Nature, what variety there is in thy composition ! 
Had King Theebau moved in another sphere,, unshackled by 
" Burman custom/^ his progress would have been different, and 
he might have become a fair specimen of an Eastern ruler ! 
With reference to a remark of the Russian " Golos " in March 
last, that our first negotiations for peace in Afghanistan were 
due to "military disasters," one of our best public writers 
thought that in all the lucubrations of the " Golos ■" it seems 
to have been overlooked that, with the prospect of another 
Burmese war before us, in addition to South African military 
requirements, prudential motives, and not the prowess of the 
Afghans, would suggest some sort of compromise with their 
ruler/-' He concludes in the following remarkable strain : — 
" As regards the finances of India at the present moment, a 
war with rich Burma would certainly be more agreeable than 
a financially barren victory in Afghanistan/' Notwithstanding 
assurances to the Resident of future tranquillity, the King 
appears to have gone on fortifying Mandalay, and, doubtless, 
to have gone on drinking. A Burmese Envoy (or Agent) also 
had been despatched to the Indian Government. It seemed 
that there was as yet " no good ground for interference." The 
Viceroy would only think of war as " a last resource,'^ and even 
then, with our hands so full, that " last resource " might be 
delayed, to the heartfelt regret of Rangoon, Calcutta, Glasgow, 
and other commercial centres. That something would have to 
be done ere long was undeniable. Trade was at a comparative 
standstill, and there was no security for peace in British or Lower 
Burma while Upper was ruled by such a very strange sovereign 
as King Theebau. In the event of military operations, it was 
remarked — " Nothing like the protracted struggle of the two 
former Burmese wars need be anticipated, for it seems clear 
that King Theebau has completely alienated the affections of 
his subjects, and an invading army (British force) would be re- 



KING THEEBAU'S PEOGEESS. 393 

ceived witii welcome, as a new era of prosperity would dawn on 
Burma were Thebau dethroned and the Nyoungyan Prince (a 
refugee in Calcutta) established in his place and made a feuda- 
tory of the Indian Government/' The King was reported to 
fear some such action on our part, and had despatched secret 
agents to Calcutta to assassinate the Nyoungyan Prince. 
Surely such an instance was never heard of before, that of a 
somewhat talented young sovereign rushing so madly on his 
fate. It was, indeed, a royal progress with a vengeance ! 

In one of his drunken fits he might attack us, if not first 
attacked by us. Such may have been his intention. But, of 
the reinforcements arrived at Rangoon, it was pleasing to learn 
that two thousand men, European and Native, with a small naval 
brigade from H.M.S. "Wild Swan,'' had been despatched to 
the frontier. It was not intended to send any ultimatum to the 
King of Burma. The policy seemed to be to wait for the move- 
ment of the Burmese troops massing at Meuhla, some thirty 
miles above our frontier. About the end of March, intelligence 
was received that a deceitful quiet prevailed at Mandalay ; and 
KiugTheebau, since the despatch of reinforcements, was reported 
to be in a conciliatory mood. The Burmese ministers were 
uneasy, as well they might be ; and, to make matters worse, 
Theinnee, the chief of one of the Burmese tributary (Shan) 
states, was contumacious, and disregarded the order of the 
head that wore a crown, summoning him to Mandalay. In 
the first week of April the situation was " practically un- 
changed.'' But some four thousand of the King's troops were 
stated to be on his side of the frontier. 

It was alleged that King Theebau had sent a mission to 
Pekin, acknowledging the suzerainty of China (of which he is 
a vassal), and invoking help against us. Trade at Mandalay 
continued paralysed, and anxiety regarding the safety of the 
Europeans there continued unabated. The Nyoungyan Prince, 
as if to profit by the situation, had gone to Bangoon in dis- 
guise ; but he was detected, and promptlv shipped back by the 



394 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

Chief Commissioner (Mr. Aitchison) to Calcutta. Complica- 
tions on the frontier were reported, in consequence of some 
powerful chiefs (we believe Shan) having declared that they 
would no longer pay any allegiance to the King of Burma. Mr. 
Shaw's steamer was lying, with steam up, in constant readi- 
ness for his departure, " in case of necessity .'' It was thought 
that, in the event of his departure, the Burmese war vessels at 
Menhla might intercept the Resident. The British Govern- 
ment had proclaimed that it desired no rupture, and would 
permit none, " unless forced by overt acts of insult or aggres- 
sion.^' 

The trading community at Calcutta, " with characteristic im- 
patience,'' were anxious for definite action. The remaining 
events of some importance, early in April, chiefly consisted in 
arrangements for King Theebau's coronation, and the fact of 
several Shan chiefs, who had visited his Majesty, having been 
thrown into prison. The brave Shans,^ it was thought, pre- 
viously disaffected, would rise to a man. This would be a most 
telling point in our favour, in the event of future operations. 
If we can only secure the loyalty of the Shans, we become at 
once, in a great measure, the masters of Upper Burma. 



* We have great faith in the Shans ; and the heroism of the Shan ladies — to 
which allusion has already been made in the First Burmese War — is perfectly- 
captivating. In addition to what has been said of their military ardour, two 
little incidents are worth recording. The fearless Amazons fought with their 
chohwas (chiefs) and petty princes, as has been noticed, against us in the first 
war. They were not only credited with the gift of prophecy and fore-know- 
ledge, but with the possession of the miraculous power of turning aside the 
balls of the English. One of them, before Prome, received a fatal bullet in 
the breast, but the moment she was seen, and her sex recognised, the soldiers 
bore her from the scene of death to the rear, where she expired. Another of 
them was observed flying on horseback with " the defeated remnant of her 
people," but before she could gain the opposite bank of the river, a shrapnell 
shell exploded above her head, and she fell from her horse into the water ; " but 
whether killed or only frightened," writes Major Snodgrass, "could not be 
ascertained." 



KING THBEBAU'S PROGRESS. 395 

By the middle of April several steamers were in readiness at 
Thayetmyo to convey our troops beyond the frontier in the 
event of war. Nevr ministers were in the ascendant; and, 
although the Burmese Government "wished for peace/' it de- 
clined to settle the " shoe question/-* This has long been a 
vexata questio in Burma and other countries of the East ; and 
would be settled at once if we could only get them to under- 
stand that, although " Burman," it is not European " custom/^ 
On the conclusion of the first war, while Mr. Crawford^s mis- 
sion was at Ava, Captain Lumsden of the Bengal Horse Artil- 
lery could not get his boots to come off, so was allowed to 
enter with them on. A horse artillery man without his boots 
(they^wore jacks and leathers in those days) is almost as defi- 
cient a picture as a Golden Foot without his golden umbrella 
{tee), or a bishop without his lawn ! The cultivators of the 
soil were now leaving, and no preparations were being made 
for sowing the crops. Never was Upper Burma in a worse 
state. Chaos was everywhere. Large masses of Burmese 
soldiery were said to be moving towards our frontier garrison of 
Toungoo, which was about to be reinforced. 

Looking at the matter boldly, there can be no doubt that 
Burmese policy has always been hostile to England. Mengdon 
wished it to be known that he was entirely independent of the 
British, notwithstanding the loss of Pegu ; and " at Rome and 
at Teheran, by his embassies, let it be clearly known he was 
anxious to obtain outside help.^' 

Italians and Frenchmen at Mandalay have had their share 
of royal favour. If we do not, for the sake of peace in Eastern 
Asia, so effectually settle Upper Burma — if possible, without 
annexation* — before very long, Russians, and even Germans 
(on account of China) will probably be found " doing business " 
at the capital of the Golden Foot ! There is a great game of 

* It has been well said tliat if the late king had possessed a seaport, war 
would have occurred long ago. " We should haye had to choose between the 
annexation of Upper Burma and a foreign protectorate." 



396 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

chess being played all over the world; and Britannia must 
not allow herself to be checkmated. 

We now return to King Theebau. Although twenty-five 
thousand men were reported to be on the Burmese frontier, 
there was a more pacific feeling at Mandalay_, in producing 
which the terrible heat of the weather probably had the chief 
efifect. Murders had been discontinued, owing to the energy 
of our Resident and of the Italian Consul. The number of 
executions, therefore, had fallen far short of that originally 
intended " by the bloodthirsty tiger, Theebau." From conver- 
sations with Burmese it was ascertained that the King had 
prepared a list of one hundred and fifty victims, " and had 
even gone into the details of those who should be killed on 
such and such a night." Of the royal family alone — wives, 
sons, and daughters of the late King — no less than forty-five 
persons were said to have met their fate. The people at the 
capital were beginning to discover that their property and lives 
were at the mercy of " a barbarous despot." With reference 
to previous remarks in this summary, it may be stated that a 
shrewd writer, on hearing that King Theebau had informed his 
counsellors that heretofore fear had prompted his yielding to 
the English demands, and that henceforth he would neither 
hear nor speak of proposals for an accommodation with Eng- 
land,* declared : — '' It is all very weU to ridicule the ' Golden 
Foot ' when, seemingly playing the role of Macbeth, he deter- 
mines to hang all that talk of fear, but this sudden change 
may not be the result simply of a tyrant^'s whimsicality. It 
looks rather as though he had just received ' Celestial ' prompt- 
ings, and it might not be diflBcult after all to connect a sequence 
of events which at present seem far apart." Theebau might 
prove to be the tool of " a greater potentate " already becoming 
conspicuous as the "third factor" in Asian affairs. By the 
end of April, information was received in London that the 

* This assertion was afterwards ofiBcially denied by the Burmese Ministers. 



KING THEEBAU'S PEOGEESS. 897 

Secretary of State for India had sanctioned the finally-revised 
estimate for the Rangoon and Prome Railway^ which made 
provision for six additional miles of branch line ; but, while 
civilisation in Lower Burma was thus becoming so apparent, in 
the Upper country affairs were in a strange condition. The 
King had been " drinking heavily " — what he had been drinking 
we are not informed ; — power was'slipping back into the hands of 
late King's advisers ; and warlike preparations in Mandalay had 
ceased, doubtless from the effects of the never-ending royal 
indulgence. The King, it was said, never appeared in public. 
But still our diplomatic relations, through Mr. Shaw (appointed 
a second-class Resident), were being conducted with every 
courtesy, in the ordinary forms. This was but a poor conso- 
lation, while humanity and commercial enterprise were both 
suffering so wrongfully. So long as Theebau sat on the throne 
the peace of Burma was sure to hang by a thread ; while the 
unfortunate British mercantile community conceived the bit- 
terest dislike for the Burmese Government, " so hostile to all 
measures for developing the resources of the country .'■' 

Early in May, King Theebau was '' still drinking " ; the Prime 
Minister was out of favour; and the masses — perhaps with a 
meaning which the King did not think of — were for war. 

The King was brooding over some scheme of revenge for the 
rebellious attitude of his maternal grandfather, the Theinnee 
Chief; and the Theinnee Shan tribes were in open rebellion. 
There was little, if any, actual change in the position. The 
following is a good story current at this time : — When the news 
of the Zulu affair (Isandula) reached Mandalay, Theebau, in a 
drunken fit, issued orders to invade British Burma via Prome, 
and to take Rangoon ! Government, and the reinforcements, 
were too quick for him, when he said he was only making 
preparations to resist his enemies, the Shans ! 

At Mandalay the King's troops were being constantly drilled; 
and it was considered almost certain that Theebau had killed 
the young son of the Theinnee Princess, " because of the re- 



398 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

bellion of ter brother and other members of the Theinnee Shan 
tribes." Other murders were reported to have taken place ; 
but the exact truth was not known. However, one thing was 
evident, that King Theebau's progress in massacre — contem- 
plative as well as actual — was very considerable. '' King still 
drinking — trade at a standstill," even in the middle of May, 
was the standard telegram; and it was also affirmed that 
General Elmhirst, an officer of repute, commanding a division 
in the Madras Presidency, would take the command of an 
expeditionary force for Upper Burma, in the event of war. We 
were then, as now, of opinion, that officers who had a good 
local acquaintance with Burma should be utilised as much as 
possible in any contemplated operations. Of these a large 
number could be found, ready at a moment's notice, to further 
the glory and promote the interests of Great Britain in Chin- 
India. 

King Theebau's progress had now assumed a new phase : he 
had prohibited all Europeans (foreigners) from entering the 
palace walls under any pretext whatever. More surrounding 
tribes* were in open rebellion, and there was a steady secrecy 
hanging over everything taking place within the palace. No- 
thing, it seemed, could exceed the uncertainty of our relations 
with Mandalay. None could predict what " act of ignorant 
violence" the King might commit if he remained under the 
influence of the party compromised by the massacres. 

Towards the end of May, Mr. Shaw had a long meeting with 
the Prime Minister ; the King, however, was summoning fresh 
levies, which removed all hope that the crisis would pass away. 
The cultivators between Prome and Thayetmyo were reduced 
to a state of desperation. There were no workmen to get the 
fields ready, or to sow the grain. A cloud seemed to hang 
over all ; but yet ic was believed (doubtless with good reason) 

* It was said, the Bhama Kachin (Kakhyen) tribes. The Kakhyens form a 
very large tribe, and are warlike when roused. Their territory extends from 
the Irawady to China, and from Bamo to Thibet. 



KING THEEBAU'S PEOGEESS. 399 

at Simla^ that affairs were more settled in Upper Burma. A 
telegram at the end of May brought the intelligence that the 
King had determined upon war ever since the Eesident^s re- 
monstrance as to the massacres, and his threat to lower his 
flag and leave the capital if any more were committed. It was 
now undoubted that the Theinnee Prince was murdered, and 
that his mother had been tortured, if not actually slain. It 
was also said that, although there had been no more '^ whole- 
sale massacres," several cases of individual murder had taken 
place, generally by starvation or slow torture. 

It will now be of interest to relate that the remonstrance of 
the Italian Government " against the Burmese massacres and 
shocking atrocities,'' which had horrified the world, was most 
keenly felt by the Burmese Government. Italy was the only 
country which had formally acknowledged King Theebau and 
'' the ministers had hoped for her support against the British 
Government ! " King Theebau's progress in alienating himself 
from the entire civilised world appeared to be most rapid. It 
is hard to believe that, towards the end of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, we should be writing about such a Burmese Caligula. 
The famous horse of the Roman Emperor, which he styled " High 
Priest ■" and " Consul," and which, adorned with pearls and 
splendid trappings, he kept in a hall of ivory, has at length 
found a counterpart in the White Elephant* of the Golden 
Foot, both of which noble and sagacious animals their masters 
equally disgraced. 

Caligula and Nero died about the age of thirty — the former, 
as every schoolboy knows, having been assassinated, and the latter 
having killed himself to avoid a shameful death. If King 
Thebau's jovial fits go on as steadily as hitherto, the pro- 



* Held in extraordinary veneration by tlie Burmese and Siamese — the King 
and his people deeming it inauspicious to be without one. For an excellent 
account of this " sacred" animal, see "Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. 
pp. 249-50. 



400 OUE BUEMESB WAES. 

gress towards destruction will soon be ended; and, like 
Addison's rake_, lie will die of old age at two-and-twenty ! 
The Government of India miglit then be saved all further 
anxiety and trouble in remonstrance by placing (under 
certain conditions) either the Nyoungyan Prince or the 
Lunbin Prince, son of the War Prince (elder brother of 
Mengdon), who was killed in the rebellion of 1866, firmly on 
the throne ! The last we heard of the " Lunbin '^ was that he 
was at Rangoon, studying English. There are, therefore, hopes 
yet for Upper Burma; but at present we must go back to 
King Theebau. 

" Jolly June,''' as Spenser hath it, found the King " still 
drinking/-' It was announced that he had sent letters and 
presents to the Viceroy, and asked for a personal interview ; 
but it seemed doubtful whether his subjects would allow him 
to remain on the throne, or not. The same informant an- 
nounced that his ministers had left off visiting him, and that 
his troops were " a mere rabble.'-' The latter remark was 
highly silly and impolitic, and leads soldiers to undervalue an 
enemy. After our sad experiences, we should call not even 
the worst troops " mere rabble " ! 

For an Eastern or an African campaign, we should even be 
better prepared for an enemy, with whom Nature makes up for 
the want of Science, in men, material, and especially the In- 
telligence department, than if we were going to fight a highly 
civilised European power. This is the only true philosophy 
of war in such a vast and splendid Empire as ours ! 

The mother of the Nyoungyan Prince was heavily ironed ; 
and the King was so terribly violent that none of the ministers 
dared to approach him. In British Burma, the merchants of 
Eangoon had memorialised the Chief Commissioner in reference 
to Burmese affairs. They alleged the existence of " an extra- 
ordinary stagnation of trade consequent upon the uncertainty 
of our relations with Upper Burma, and the insecurity caused 
by the large additions to the military force on the frontier. 



KING TIIEEBAU'S PEOGBESS. 401 

They represented that the trade to Mandalay had, ^' since the 
massing o£ the troops, declined more than half a million/^ and 
that there was a decrease in the value of goods cleared at 
Rangoon for Lower Burma of " a million and a half /^ It was 
difficult to [imagine " a more disastrous state of affairs." The 
matter was to be laid, without loss of time, before the Indian 
Government. 

The King was considered to be seriously alarmed at the 
approach of our troops to his frontiers ; and he had appointed 
" a lot of savage ruffians as his body-guard/^ Formerly youths 
of high rank used to hold the office ; so the change had greatly 
annoyed the better class of people. Having had a fresh list 
of all connected with the royal blood submitted to him, it was 
naturally believed that he projected another massacre, at no 
distant period. But it was aU set down to the stern fact that 
Theebau was ^'^ still drinking." "What a god-send,-'^ wrote an 
ever lively, instructive, and witty military journalist, "this 
royal ' horrid example ' will be for the teetotal lecturers ! " — 
As we before said, drinking and murder going hand in hand 
together ! 

It will naturally occur to every English reader, who has 
honoured these pages with a perusal, that the position of the 
British Resident at Mandalay, throughout so many escapades 
of King Theebau, must have been a very responsible as well 
as a very difficult and harassing one — calculated to spoil the 
best temper, and wear out the strongest constitution. 

From Simla it had been announced that the Agent de- 
spatched by the King, with letters and presents to the Viceroy, 
had arrived ; but his request for a personal interview could not 
be granted. The conduct of the Mandalay Court in requiring 
our Resident to submit to certain " undignified ceremonials ''•' 
would never do; and his visits to the King had been, there- 
fore, suspended- King Theebau had evidently lost his best 
friend. The difficulty was said to resemble that overcome in 
China ; but where the Emperor of China yielded, the com- 

26 



402 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

paratively petty potentate of Upper Burma held out. Prepara- 
tions were still in progress for the coronation of the King. 
On the 15th of June the amiable^ energetic^ and accomplished 
Resident breathed his last. His death was said to proceed 
from heart disease,* doubtless brought on, or aggravated, by 
too much worry and anxiety. Like a true soldier, Shaw died at 
his post, with harness on his back ; and, although his end was 
not surrounded by a halo of tragical heroism, as in the in- 
stances of Sir Alexander Burnes and Sir Louis Cavagnari, at 
Cabul, still England lost in him a most worthy son, " a dis- 
tinguished explorer, and trustworthy representative of the 
Indian Government in intercourse with border potentates, re- 
quiring tact and personal influence.^^ 

Reports of fresh massacres of royal princes were said to have 
reached the Indian Government. The coronation of King 
Theebau had passed over without any disturbance. It was now 
discovered that the King of Burma had been prosecuting 
" certain intrigues and encroachments " in the Karennee 
country, inconsistent with the special treaty made in 1875 
regarding that important tract of " debatable border-land." 

In addition to the late massacres, the ^'Rangoon Times" 
correspondent had gathered " from a reliable source ''■' that 
" the poor mad Prince of Chabin had been put to an igno- 
minious death, having undergone kicking and slapping for 
several years. It was said that like his grandfather, Tharawadi, 
he had tried to render himself " invisible " ! Pooays were nu- 
merous ; and a royal lottery, encouraging gambling, had been 
established since early in May. There were numerous royal 
lottery shops ; and the Royal Rakers progress now appeared to 
be advancing at a more rapid pace than ever. 

At the end of June we read that King Theebau^s second 



* Afterwards stated to be rheumatic-fever. 



KING THEERAU'S PROGEESS. 408 

queen had succeeded in inducing him to degrade his chief 
queen, her elder sister. 

An adventurer, who was for some time in King Mengdon^s ser- 
vice, informed the public that this sovereign was *^^ very anxious on 
the subject of ironclads and fortifications," and projected iron- 
works,"^ "from the furnaces for the smelting of ore, down to the 
mills for rolling the armour plates/^ But nothing was done. The 
city of Mandalay was also described : — ^'The city, with the palace 
in the centre, forms a square, and is surrounded by four brick 
walls, each wall being three-quarters of a mile long and twenty 
feet in height; nine feet thick at the base, finishing ofi" at the top 
to three feet, all the slope of the walls being inside, where earth is 
also packed up to a height of about twelve feet. There are three 
entrances on either side, and the twelve great doors are shielded 
on the outer side by blocks of brickwork. These walls are again 
surrounded by a moat fifty feet wide, the inner edge of which 
is about thirty-five feet from the city walls. The city, with its 
walls and moat, is considered by the Burmese impregnable, "f 

It was pleasing to hear that the Burmese conducted them- 
selves very well on the sad occasion of Mr. Shawns death, and the 
funeral was largely attended. The deceased Resident had for- 
merly been British Agent at Ladakh, and his knowledge of 
Central Asian aff'airs was very considerable. Colonel Horace 
Browne, of the Pegu Commission, had left Rangoon to take 
charge' of the Residency at Mandalay, till the arrival of Mr. 
Shaw's succe o 



* See page 373. 

t For a most interesting a.id useful desci'iption of tlie present capital, 
varying, in some respects, from the above, see General Fytche's " Burma, 
Past and Present," vol. ' ,p. 250-254. Tlie plan of tlie wall of tlie city of 
Mandalay, witli its crP ated top, flanking buttresses, and parapet, strongly 
resembles tbe great • ilof China. 

X Mr. St. Barbe, who had succeeded Mr. Cooper at Bhamo, acted till Colone 
Browne's arrival. 

26 « 



404 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

Early in July^ tlie Britisli public were furnislied with a 
most graphic account of an important military review at Man- 
dalay. It must be kept in mind that the whole force of the 
Burmese army is generally concentrated at the capital^ and at 
this time it was believed that " the actual influence of the King 
and his Court did not extend beyond a radius of fifty miles 
round,, and a few miles on either side along the banks of the 
Irawady." The '^ Grand Review of Burmese Troops in Manda- 
lay^' waSj doubtless, a most important local event; but for 
any purposes of war, of course, it was utterly useless, and no 
idea of Burmese warfare can be formed except when the enemy 
are in their jungles or behind their stockades. The ludicrous 
incidents of this review, at which some five or six thousand 
men were present, were admirably brought out by the writer* ; 
and, like too many effusions of our highly gifted '' Specials " of 
this railroad age, they deserved a more permanent place than 
in the ephemeral columns of a journal. From the terrace of 
Signor Andreino^s residence, the view is described as " charm- 
'ng enough.''' " On our left front on the other side of the city 
vas Mandalay hill, with its white pagodas (reached from the 
surrounding level by great staircases ornamented with colossal 
dragons) shining among the emerald vegetation. In the distant 
east the Shan Hills, gently rounded, lay in a purple shade. On 
the right rose a jagged peak, which local superstition avers to 
be the wild abode of the ^nats,^ or evil spirits. At our feet 
was the city wall with its embroidered crest of notches, from 
behind which rose the roofs of the King's palace, and peaked 
kyoungs and pagodas innumerable; and then there was the 
splendid moat, with its brilliant green mantle of lotuses, deco- 
rated here and there with the large white flowers that are the 
true Buddhist's veneration and delight." Such description as 



* Special Correspondent of the " Standard," dated May 20th, in issue of 
July 2nd, 1879. 



405 

this would do credit to the pen of a Warburton or a King- 
lake. Most of the Marines, he observed, were armed with 
rifles.* One company had the dha, "the national knife, which 
is almost the same as that terrible weapon of the Afghans, the 
charah/^ Among the extraordinary costumes, he observed the 
"gilded hats,^"" worn by "spearmen,'^ — many of which kind (worn 
by the King^s troops) we picked up at the capture of Rangoon. 
Signor Andreino (the Italian Consul) had received two letters 
conveying King Humbert^'s congratulations on Theebau^s acces- 
sion to the throne. But, at the same time, the Burmese 
ministers were informed that the late massacres had excited 
horror throughout the civilised world, and especially in Italy. 
Although the steamers of the Irawady flotilla at Mandalay, 
for a time, had left off their " banked fires "" — ^ready in case of 
rebellion — King Theebau was said still to continue in his dan- 
geroii" ■"' ~nad lunes " ! 

Colonel Horace Browne was now the hero of the hour 
at Mandalay. On his arrival,t towards the end of June, 
he had been escorted to the Residency by several Burmese 
officials, and visits of ceremony were paid him by a few 
of the grandees of the Court. But no apparent change 
seemed to have come over the murderous spirit of King 
Thebau, or that of his executive. No sooner did we hear 
of the new Resident's arrival, than more massacres by the 
King were reported to have taken place. This time the vic- 
tims were the cousin of Nyoungyan, and two sons of Paghan 
Myoza, supporters of the refugee princes. They had been 
sentenced to imprisonment in Mogoung, the Burmese Siberia. 
" Murder,'^ it was said from Rangoon, " was the easier means 
of riddance." 

* The musket was first introduced into the Pegu and Ava countries by the 
Portuo-uese. The stout Burman, with his dha and Martini-Henry, may yet 
fight on our side in Upper Burma ! 

f Strange to say, his gun and sword were detained at the Custom-house on 
this occasion, for a short time, " though foreigners are allowed to land these 
ordinarily without a pass." 



406 OUE BUEMESE WAES. 

Rangoon^ and of course Calcutta^ considered the situation 
extremely unsatisfactory. But, by some, it was thought that 
matters were improving as regarded the chance of peace. All 
reports, however, were very conflicting. At first it was said that 
the King had commenced his extensive military preparations in 
" terror of the consequences of his barbarity " ; and yet, no 
sooner had the new Resident arrived than more murders 
were reported. It seemed clear that the Golden Foot was 
not troubled with that active moral check and companion 
in life — a conscience ! 

Cholera, our Indian "Angel of Death,-'^ had at length "spread 
his wings on the blast " at Thayetmyo ; and there was some 
alarm, owing to the crowded state of the troops. The excellent 
sanitary movement of forming a cholera camp on the other 
side of the river was at once adopted. While marching in 
India, we have found crossing a river, at all hazards, prove a 
valuable check to cholera. This would seem to argue in favour 
of the disease being of a local character ; and, in the early 
stages, change or movement should, therefore, take place at 
once. 

The King had said that nothing would induce him to agree 
to a settlement of '' the shoe question.'^ We have before touched 
on this point. It does seem eminently absurd, the political 
officer of Her Majesty the Empress of India appearing before 
the Golden Foot without his shoes ! Life is too short for such 
useless etiquette, so we must just make the "Lord of Earth 
and Air ^' stoop a little to civilisation, and '^the force of cir- 
cumstances." We recollect being shoeless (or rather bootless) 
during the year of the great Mutiny (1857), when present at 
the installation of the Nizam {lit. putter in order) of the 
Dekhan, at Hyderabad. The Mussulmans in the grand 
audience hall, while apparently keeping the pressing crowd 
back with their sticks, in case of our being forcibly pushed 
too near the guddee (cushion or throne) of His Highness, had 
little regard to the safety of our boots, which were eventually 



KING THBEBAU'S PEOGRESS. 407 

found with some diflficulty ; while a gallant horse- artilleryman, 
we believe, lost his helmet altogether. Should, by any chance. 
King Theebau reform, we trust that he will turn his strict 
attention to this important question. 

Not long after the King^s "homicidal fit,^^ disturbances 
occurred in the country between Mandalay and Bhamo ; but 
the officials and populace at the capital were so much engaged 
with State lotteries, that the fact of several of the King-'s ser- 
vants having been killed, while collecting unusually heavy taxes, 
caused no sensation. Human life, or " flesh and blood,^' had 
become very '^ cheap " at Mandalay. 

At the end of July, it was said that a rectification of the 
British frontier in the direction of Thayetmyo was looked for 
at no distant date ; the Shans near Bhamo were quiet ; and it 
was rumoured that the very wise step of removing the British 
Residency at Mandalay to a more secure site had been deter- 
mined on. The Resident's guard was also to be largely 
increased. 

At this time public attention in Russia was devoted to the 
future relations between that Empire and China. The " deve- 
lopment of commercial relations for the benefit of Russian 
trade,^^ was the leading cause. As Russia trades with China 
mainly, if not solely, by land, it was demanded that similar 
privileges as have been accorded to "maritime trade ^^ with 
China should be granted to "trade carried on by land."^ Per- 
haps most Englishman wish that we would keep a stricter watch 
over the Nunquam dormio policy of Russia in the East. Like 
the science of geology, it never rests — ^its law is progress. 

In Asia we had now obtained our " scientific frontier,"' and 
a vote of thanks was accorded to our victorious army in 
Afghanistan by both Houses of Parliament. There might 
now be time to look after a " scientific frontier " for Burma. 

It was remarked in London that things were becoming "■ very 
* red ' in Mandalay ."' Perhaps no king was ever so earnestly 
watched. His " Progress '^ had become a sort of "household 



408 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

word/^ and the questions, " Is lie still drinking ? " " Any more 
massacres ? " resounded throaghout the land. We are not 
aware of the authority on which a popular writer based the 
remark that, after the recent murders, Colonel Browne took 
no notice, although his predecessor, Mr. Shaw, said, on any 
more massacres occurring, he would haul down the British 
flag from the Residency and leave the capital. It was affirmed 
that, after the threat, some thirty princes were slaughtered, 
but this was an evident exaggeration. In the event of Thee- 
bau hereafter being one of our feudatories, it was interesting 
now to learn that, with reference to the question of disarm- 
ing the native princes of India, it appeared that " twelve thou- 
sand British troops were required to watch the forty-five thou- 
sand troops of the Nizam.''^ Holding Pegu as we do, aud 
having the entire command of the Irawady and other Burmese 
rivers, about one-half of that number should suffice. 

About the middle of August, some interesting information 
regarding Burma was received in Calcutta. It appeared there 
were two parties at Mandalay. The Government, or Court, and 
the Moderate parties — the latter party belonging to the pre- 
ceding reign. The ascendancy of the Court party was shown 
"by the increasing attempts to isolate the British Resident." 
It became very questionable whether the Indian Government 
would long care to keep an officer of high political rank at 
Mandalay on such terms. Jt was now thought that when 
Colonel Browne returned to his post in British Burma, no 
officer of equal rank would relieve him, but that his present 
Assistant would carry on " the unimportant work which the 
system now pursued at Mandalay leaves for our Resident." 
The genuine and philanthropic desire of the Indian Govern- 
ment to keep matters quiet was steadily observable ; but the 
King aud the Court party sorely tried our patience. Their 
present policy seemed to be, to "evade open aggression or 
insult." The King, however, had made steady progress in 
wickedness, and at length was reported " mad through blood 



KING THBEBAU'S PEOGEESS. 409 

and brandy/-' Executions and drinking-bouts continued. And 
it was thought that if Colonel Browne left the capital the King 
and Court party might be rash enough " to exceed the care- 
fully defined limits " within which they had, so far, restrained 
their insolence. 

Kain, during the year 1879, was by no means wanting in 
Burma, Up to July 13, the rainfall was 43' 11 inches, when last 
year it was only 32' 32. During one week the average was an inch 
a day. But even such an average appears to be considerably 
less than what the present writer recollects at Rangoon.* 

With reference to our paper on the mineral wealth of Upper 
Burma, at the end of August we read that some Shans having 
made large sums of money by trading in sapphire and rubies 
from Siam, numbers of others had recently gone there from 
British Burma. The stones, though ^^ inferior to those ob- 
tained in Upper Burma," were said by the Burmese to be so 
plentiful near Bangkok, that even women were anxious to pro- 
ceed to the mines. But it was considered that the astute 
Siamese Government were not likely to allow foreigners many 
mining privileges, while they had so many subjects of their 
own anxious to make their fortunes. 

If King Theebau did not prefer spirits to wine, living as 
he does among the finest rubies in the world, instead of 
murdering his relatives, he might be enjoying their society, 
governing his country well, while developing its resources, en- 
joying his wine in moderation, and, perhaps, occasionally break- 
ing forth in the rapturous strain of the Persian Hafiz : — 
" Boy, let the liquid ruby flow, 
And let the pensive heart be glad ! " 

Early in September, London was startled by one of the 
" Latest Telegrams " (Rangoon, September 2), with most omi- 
nous headings, in large type. The British Resident had departed 
from Mandalay ; and there was a probable ministerial conspi- 

* For Meteorology of Burma, see Addenda, Part III. 



410 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

racy against King Theebau, The rank of Resident was to be 
reduced. It was further said that twelve guns were mounted 
at Menhla, on the frontier, where there were forty thousand 
men. 

With reference to troops sent by the King to Shwe-koo- 
gyee, near Bhamo, it was considered that the Eed Karens had 
gained the day, and had " hacked, crucified, and chopped up 
three hundred of the royal army." It was difficult to get the 
Burmese soldiers to face these " wild creatures." The several 
tribes of Karens have been much written about, and much 
misunderstood. Perhaps our friend Dr. Mason knew them 
better than any other missionary or traveller. Although his 
success among them, as to conversion, was wonderful, he 
nevertheless speaks of them in terms of the severest deprecia- 
tion. They are " a race of incorrigible liars, and as contrary 
as Balaam's ass. They are as cowardly as sheep, as savage as 
wolves, and as destitute of compassion as an alligator." To 
call a Burman a Karen is about the greatest insult you can 
ofiier him. They are generally considered to be a simple, docile, 
truth-loving people. Dr. Mason also remarks : — " I have never 
met a Karen, in the church or out of it, that when he had 
committed a wrong would not tell a falsehood to cover it." 
Still, with all this they are, writes Mr. St. Barbe, " a thrifty, 
industrious set of people, and when the English raj had intro- 
duced some notion of justice, order, and equal laws, they began 
to see that their tribal idiosyncracies, their barbarous language, 
and unspeakable habits, were considerable obstacles in the way 
of their realising these blessings to an equal extent with the 
Burmese and Talaings." 

The Bghai tribes are usually divided into six clans, the chief 
of which is the Karennee or Eed Karen ; " so called,'' writes 
General Fytche, " by the Burmese from the colour of the 
bright red turban they wear; though they call themselves 
Ka-ya, their term for man. They inhabit the elevated plateau 
of Karennee (the name is equally applied to the country and 



KING THEEBAU'S PEOGEBSS. 411 

to the inhabitants), extending from the eastern slope of the 
Poung-loung range, immediately joining our territories on the 
north-east, to the right bank of the Salween river. It consists 
chiefly of high table-land about three thousand to four thou- 
sand feet above the level of the sea, is well cultivated, and 
in parts very fertile/''* Within the last hundred years we read 
that the Red Karens, originally under one chieftain, have split 
into two separate tribes, western and eastern Karennees.f 
" Since our occupation of British Burma,'''' continues the 
General, ''^the former tribe has been most friendly disposed 
towards the English Government, and has given every assis- 
tance in its power in keeping peace on the frontier and opening 
out trade; while the latter has kept entirely aloof from all 
communication with us, and has lately acknowledged the su- 
zerainty of the Burmese Government/^ From prudent motives 
in 1864, the old chief of Western Karennee was informed, in 
reply to his wish that we should act as protectors and go- 
vernors, that we had then no desire to extend our frontier in 
that direction. The request was renewed in 1869 by the late 
chiefs two sons, when the Burmese were making encroachments 
on their territory, as also on Eastern Karennee, and that they 
would have to succumb unless assisted by the British Govern- 
ment. We urged the Burmese Government not to interfere 
in the internal affairs of Karennee. It was our wish that 
Western Karennee should retain its independence and nation- 
ality. Eventually, however, the Burmese Government menaced 
and assumed sovereignty over the hill state, which obliged our 
Government, in 1875, through the mission of Sir Douglas 
Forsyth to Mandalay, to exact a more effective guarantee. A 
boundary was then laid down, '^between Western Karennee 



* " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 335-337. 

t See Map. See also " Pegu," Appendix X., p. 500, where some of the 
remarkable scriptural traditions of the Karens are cited. 



412 OUR BUEMESE WAES. 

and Burma^ whicli has been formally recognised by all parties, 
and the autonomy of Western Karennee secured." The whole 
of the Karennee country may be considered of great " political 
as well as strategical importance." {See map.) 

We have thought it of importance to bring forward these 
remarks in the present critical state of Burma, as they now 
become mixed up with the law of King Theebau's progress. In 
addition to his other troubles, the Karens were beginning to show 
their teeth ; and it was severely remarked that " if he had not 
been a drunkard before, he would have been driven to the bottle 
now from pure distraction." He now claimed sovereignty over 
the Eastern Karennee country. Of course the British Govern- 
ment would not hear of such a claim for an instant. The 
independence of the Eastern half of the Karennee is no less dear 
than that of the Western half; and it has been well said that 
"^to allow Burma to possess itself of Karennee would be a 
strategic error of the first magnitude," as, in case of war it 
would enable the enemy to turn our flank, and threaten our 
communication between the frontier posts and the sea-ports ! " 

In short, everything seemed to be tending with King Theebau 
to disturb the peace of our diplomatic relations, and above all, 
the Resident had not been treated with that respect due to 
his high rank. Still, the course pursued by the Government 
exhibited the wise caution of being '' neither hostile nor 
friendly .^^ This was the most dignified mode of conduct which 
could be pursued. If we were forced into a war, it would be 
only against " the blood-stained Prince, whose reign is a dis- 
grace to humanity." It was also predicted that a British 
invading army would be hailed as " deliverers throughout the 
length and breadth of Upper Burma." 

With regard to Colonel Browne's recall, it was reported from 
Simla that the Indian Government had given directions for him 
to return to his post as Commissioner in British Burma, 
leaving the accomplished civilian, Mr. Saint Barbe, as Charge 
d' Affaires &t'M.2in.diQ\sij. It was again said to be considered that an 



KING THEEBAIJ'S PROGRESS. 4] 3 

officer of junior rank would suffice for the discharge of the poli- 
tical routine duties in the present state of relations with Burma. 
Doubtless, Colonel Browne will never forget the month of 
August 1879 at the Burmese capital. The granaries empty ; 
trade ruined ; the people lottery mad ; the King ever drinking 
or seeking out a new victim ; when it was forcibly written from 
Bangoon, that ^' ere long the people will have neither money 
nor food, and then young Theebau may well tremble ! " The 
gallant Colonel, it was said, some time before his departure, with 
reference to the grain question, was nearly threatening to haul 
down his flag if some beneficial arrangements were not speedily 
come to. Upper Burma never produced " enough grain goods 
to support itself, and this year there was less by thousands of 
bushels than in any former year.-" Was ever a splendid country 
in such a sorry plight before ? 

London was now startled by news more serious than any we 
had received from Mandalay. Telegrams of the 6th and 7th 
September, from the Viceroy, announced the destruction, on 
the 3rd, of the Envoy, Staff, and Escort of the British Resi- 
dency at Cabul; and our friend, the Ameer, was invoking 
British aid. The avenging angel was at once ordered to be 
got ready, in the shape of a strong force to march at once on 
the doomed city of treachery and rebellion. Following this sad 
news, it was prematurely affirmed that the British Resident in 
Upper Burma had left for Rangoon, fears having ^^ grown lest 
King Theebau might have been tempted to follow the Cabul 
example.'-* 

With reference to that most important subject, the trade of 
Rangoon — in which Calcutta, Liverpool, Glasgow, and other 
great commercial centres are so much interested — Mr. O^Connor, 
of the Statistical Department in the City of Palaces, had re- 
cently declared that '^ the trade of Rangoon last year exceeded 
that of Madras,^' probably on account of the depression caused 
by the famine in that Presidency. It is evident, however, said 
Mr, O^Connor, "that Rangoon is one of the most rising 



414 OUR BTJEMESB WARS. 

PLACES IN THE East, and it is quite as evident that the city of 
Madras is not particularly well suited for commerce,, and that 
no great development of trade may be looked for there such as 
may be anticipated at Rangoon/^ With a King like Theebau^ 
however^ the trade of Rangoon is in a great measure crippled ; 
and only a good and liberal ruler is wanted for Upper Burma 
to make Rangoon the second, if not the first, city in our Eastern 
Empire. 

It is difficult to think how King Theebau received the news 
of the Cabul massacre. It was said by a good authority, " The 
slaughter of the British Mission has doubtless quickened 
Theebau^s determination of putting our policy of ' repose and 
defence-' to the test. We shall probably not contemplate a 
forward movement unless we are attacked ; but that we shall 
be attacked is, in the circumstances of the case, only too pro- 
bable.^' Truly, the very greatest forbearance at Rangoon and 
Mandalay was now required to avert an open rupture with the 
King of Burma, especially with a King so uncertain as Theebau. 
However, we thought that a very successful advance on Cabul 
might change the position in the land of the Golden Foot ; and 
depression and ruin of trade might yet give us more anxiety 
than the chance of war. Again, it was thought that the " com- 
mercial interests" of Rangoon would not sufi'er from a war 
with Burma ! 

King Theebatj's Tariff. 
At this time, the following information was of interest : — " The 
King of Burma has published his tariff for the Burmese year 
1241. The English translation covers some twelve or thirteen 
folio pages. The Burmese G-overnment is bound by treaty obliga- 
tions not to levy more than five per cent, on goods which are im- 
ported from, or exported to, British Burma. The tariff, therefore, 
has only to give the quantity and value on which the duty is 
assessed. It professes to have been drawn up ' after consultation 
with brokers and revenue ofl&cers,' who among them seem to have 
forgotten nothing. Wash-hand basins, empty bottles, pills, frying- 
pans, onions, edible birds' nests, puff-boxes, are some of the things 



KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 415 

included in the imports. Of tlie exports, the following may be 
noticed — walnuts, human hair, cheese, preaching-benches, dolls, 
brass finger-rings with mock jewels. Besides the imports from 
British territory, various goods ' brought in by Shans on their 
shoulders ' are mentioned in the tariff, including ivory from across 
the mountains, rhinoceros' horns, camphor, silver, tigers' skin, 
tigers' milk, dried shrimps, peacocks' tails, gold dust, and ponies. 
The brokers and revenue officials must surely have been mistaken 
when they said that the last-named article was brought in by Shans 
on their shoulders."* 

The situation at Mandalay was now by no means a pleasant 
one to contemplate. The lives of the Mission were not thought 
safe for a single moment. Still it would have been highly im- 
politic, as well as a serious matter, to have broken off diplomatic 
relations with the King's Courts " because of the probability 
that such a rupture would sooner or later end in war.'' It 
was also well said, that the Avithdrawal of our Charge rl' Affaires 
and suite would have been interpreted by King Theebau and his 
ministers as an indication of coming hostilities, and under that 
belief they would have done us what harm they could while 
opportunity offered. 

It was now declared that " a settled and friendly rule, the 
strict observance of treaty, and the recognition of our hege- 
mony " must form the bases of any future relations with Upper 
Burma. But we do not agree that these could recently have 
been attained " easily and effectively " — in fact they could not 
have been obtained at all with such an evil agent as King Theebau 
at the head of affairs ! When the time for action comes — and 
we think it is nigh at hand — doubtless, the Home as well as 
the Indian Government will be ready. We could only hope 
that before such took place, the King and his dissolute 
advisers would not imitate the summary fashion of the Heratee 
mutineers at Cabul. It was curious to note in the tele- 



416 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

grams from India the juxtaposition of news snch as the massacre 
at Cabul and the Herat outbreak being almost simultaneous, 
and the apprehension felt regarding our Residency at Man- 
dalay — the latter in a country so very different in every way 
from Persia and Afghanistan ! Eeferring to Burma it was also 
published in London, at the end of September, that affairs 
were very critical in that part of the world, and that the Indian 
Government, between Cabul and Burma, was ^' on the horns of a 
dilemma." 

Early in October, " Anglo-Indian " wrote to a leading daily 
journal on the " Danger at Mandalay/' The writer was of opinion 
that '' never before in the annals of British relations with an 
Asiatic Court had there been such an unsatisfactory condition 
of things as is now visible at Mandalay/^ "Anglo-Indian'^ 
also said — which agrees with our previous remarks — that, " so 
long as the drunken and half-insane despot Theebau is supreme 
it is impossible to see how things can mend there." Through- 
out this sketch of King Theebau's progress, which we are now 
bringing to a close, perhaps our readers will be inclined to 
agree with the severe epithets here used towards the Golden 
Foot. It will be well if they only reach the Golden Ears, that 
the " Lord of Earth and Air " may change his mad career in 
time. In a few months he has done enough injury to himself 
and Burma to satisfy a whole line of wicked kings ; so, when 
our troubles are over with Afghanistan, or before they are over, 
we shall, doubtless, see what can be done to better the condition 
of a hopeful people, and one of the fairest and most promising 
countries on God^s earth ! 

Annexation and Non-Annexation. 

We think it will be of interest to follow up the lamentable 
" Progress " just related with a very few remarks on the above 
subjects, which to Englishmen are becoming more familiar than 
ever. While writing, we learn that Sir Garnet Wolseley has 



ANNEXATION AND NON-ANNEXATION. 417 

solved a problem^ how we may hold sway in Zululand without 
annexation. We trust that the solution will prove satisfactory, 
but still we are by no means sure that the energetic Sir Bartle 
Frere was wrong when he proposed annexation as the only 
security for the future peace of the colony. If we can get a 
controlling as well as a commercial power in a country we 
conquer, without putting the revenues into our own pockets, 
then, of course, annexation is unnecessary. If we cannot get 
these requisites to civilisation (to further which Destiny impels 
us forward) without annexation, then what remains to be 
done ? We know little of Zululand, its chiefs, or its people ; 
but, as to Upper Burma, it strikes us most forcibly that it is 
just one of those countries where, without annexation, in the 
event of a successful war, our obtaining any controlling or 
commercial power of a lasting, useful, and productive character, 
would be simply impossible. And the difficulty is greatly in- 
creased by the stern fact of Pegu having been so long a 
flourishing British possession, having at its command the 
noble Irawady and the chief ports of the old Burman Empire. 
One portion already annexed — let the annexation be right or 
wrong — the other portion, if anything were done, must follow 
as a natural consequence. One thing is plain ; we could not 
annex a part of Upper Burma, and leave the rest to a reigning 
sovereign. The consequences of such a step would be at once 
fatal to peace and prosperity in British and Upper Burma. 

If we conquered and left the whole to a reigning sovereign, 
in a short time, the work would have to be done over again. 
If we made the King of Burma a feudatory, with his levies, in 
a country of dacoits and Bob Roys of a most daring character, 
there would be continual local collisions, as well as with the 
British troops on our frontier stations in Pegu, If we par- 
titioned out the country to chiefs, Myat-htoons would arise in 
abundance, and keep us in perpetual hot water. Then, again, 
the Shans, Karens, and other powerful tribes would be dis- 
satisfied if we took any half measures. They would be in doubt 

27 



418 OTJB BURMESE WAES. 

whom to serve. The grand sequence is, therefore, either do 
not act at all in the event of conquest, or, if we do act, let us 
put Upper Burma in exactly the same position as Pegu, Arakan, 
and Tenasserim. There is no fear of China. On the contrary the 
Chinese — ^keen traders as they are — and the ever-busy Shans, 
would welcome our appearance between Mandalay and Bhamo as 
a god-send, for the purposes of opening out a trade which in time 
would rival nearly all the commercial openings in the world ! 
Although, with the great Peter^s traditional policy trying to 
extend her frontier in every direction, we have nothing to fear 
from the shifting character of Russian diplomacy in Asia, which is 
gradually working out its own destruction. This remark leads 
us to think of some important views expounded by Mr. Tre- 
lawney Saunders, in an admirable lecture delivered some years 
ago, and which are of especial interest at the present time : — 
" We should counteract Russian influence in Persia by taking 
a more direct interest in the affairs of that country, develop 
her commerce, and improve land and water communication. 
Then, also, if it was sound policy to convert Afghanistan into 
a barrier against Russian aggression, far stronger arguments 
could be adduced in favour of so utilising the great Chinese 
Empire. Non-aggressive and highly desirable as it has proved 
to be, its integrity should be maintained at all hazards. If 
those portions of its territory north of India should fall into 
the hands of Russia, we must be prepared for the consequences. 
The future of Mongolia, and perhaps of the world at large, 
might depend on the course of Ango-Indian policy on this 
truly Central Asian question ! " 

Again, to the question of annexation. When King Theebau^s 
grandfather, Tharawadi, was on the throne, nearly forty years 
ago, supposing that Pegu had been annexed in the First Bur- 
mese War, there can be little doubt that he would have given 
us just cause for also annexing Upper Burma, which would 
very materially have altered the state of affairs at the present 
time. He would never have stood the loss of Rangoon, and 



ANNEXATION AND NON-ANNEXATION. 419 

being deprived of all his other ports, any more than a Briton 
would consider his country independent if he saw London, 
Liverpool, and Glasgow in the hands of an enemy. Ever 
since the conquest of Pegu we have virtually had the entire 
Burmese Empire at our disposal ; so even to talk of annexing 
now appears hardly correct. We wish peace, good government, 
and steady commercial prosperity in Upper Burma; and if 
those be not in Upper, there can be neither peace nor a thriving 
commerce in Lower Burma or Pegu. The one country, through 
the course of events, has become a part and parcel of the other, 
which would seem to put the word " Annexation " 'entirely 
out of the question. 

It was, perhaps, some such considerations as these that kept 
the late King of Burma quiet. He was reported to be a great 
reader ; and, like the intelligent and educated Mahomedan or 
Hindu, he took a deep interest in the passing events of the day, 
and mused over the stern vicissitudes of things. But Mengdon 
and Theebau are two very different specimens of a King : the 
former used his talents according to what he thought best 
under the circumstances ; the latter abuses them, and for 
months has appeared to be incapable of forming any opinion 
whatever, except whom to kill next, or what the '^ proof ■'^ 
strength of his next draught may be ! To take the country 
of such a ruler entirely under our charge, considering all the 
circumstances, would surely be a masterly stroke of policy for 
any government. It would be a humane, a generous act. It 
seems a pity now that Lord Dalhousie did not take charge of 
the " worthless rind " after all. For, really, partial annexation 
— especially where a capital always rife for rebellion is con- 
cerned — is a great mistake. You leave the root of evil in the 
ground while you only lop off and take care of the branches, 
till some fine day you behold springing up before you the 
" boundless Upas, the all-blasting tree,^^ of fiendish treachery 
and rebellion ! But, in the discussion of either policy — an- 
nexation or non-annexation — party must be left entirely out 

27 * 



420 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

of the question. It is simply a question of — for better or for 
worse ? 1 

You may as well try to put an amount of reason into tlie 
liead of a strong party politician as to teacli a monopolising 
Burmese Sovereign tlie principles of free trade. That great 
statesman^ Mr. Cobden, was against the annexation of Pegu. 
We all know our Empire is too large already for more annexa- 
tion anywhere. Conservatives and Liberals, as a rule, are now 
against it ; and we know from Lords Beaconsfield and Cran- 
brook that neither annexation nor aggression, nor undue in- 
terference in the affairs of other States, is the policy of the 
present Conservative Government; but, in the case of Upper 
Burma, the Lord of Misrule now impels us forward, and as we 
are goaded on by " the force of circumstances,^-' so is he reso- 
lutely bent on his own destruction ! 



POSTSCRIPT. 

The Looshais and the Nagas. 
At a time when so much uncertainty prevailed, in India and 
England, regarding the situation in Burma, it was natural for 
those who had given attention to that country to be struck 
with, the intelligence, which was announced towards the end of 
October, that there was danger of a " Looshai rising " ; and, 
again, that the recent revolt of the Naga hill tribes, or their 
rising, might "provoke the Burmese to some outrage that 
would render war inevitable."* Such news tended to force on 
us more and more the impression that, were Upper Burma 
under British rule, there would be nothing to fear from Loo- 
shais, Nagas, or any other tribes in these wild quarters of 



* In tlie middle of November, some hundreds of armed Burmans entered 
the Aeng Pass between Akyab and Kyouk Phyoo ; but they left on the appear- 
ance of the police. Still, the country between Upper Burma and our territory 
demands strong protection. 



THE LOOSHAIS. 421 

Eastern Asia. There would soon be no uncivilised tribes what- 
ever to disturb our well-earned Imperial repose. 

The LooshaiSj on our north-eastern frontier^ gave us trouble 
in 1872 ; and the present writer had the temerity to assert in a 
London periodical that^ " in the event of what has been termed 
' the involuntary annexation of those Looshai hills^ wherever 
they are/ where Generals Brownlow and Bourchier have just 
been wanderings the Rajah of Munnipoor^ with his men^ doubt- 
lessj will ever be ready to do us good service. We think that out 
of the one hundred and thirty-one thousand native troops of 
India — or^ say_, out of the forty-two thousand Madrassis who 
were so staunch during the Mutiny, and who furnish the native 
garrisons of Burma — with a European regiment or two, a select 
force could be spared for some additional territory to strengthen 
our eastern frontier; and the geographical knowledge gained 
by the Looshai expedition will greatly tend to facilitate our 
movements.'" The grand stride of civilisation in esse points 
to this quarter of the universe. North-east, South-east, and to 
South-western China. China would never object when she saw 
the prospect of an increased trade founded, not on visionary 
schemes, but on the solid foundation of British Imperial 
progress ! 

In 1872 a popular writer was asked by a London map-seller 
whether Looshai was not an island on the coast of China ! 
Yet it was nearly a hundred years since we first came into 
contact with the inhabitants of that region, and about three 
years before the above display of geographical knowledge we 
had despatched " an abortive expedition against those pests of 
our tea-planters in Cachar." The inhabitants of the Looshai 
region are termed indifferently Looshais or Kookies. They are 
not two separate tribes, as some suppose. The Looshai country 
is described as " an extensive tract of hilly country, densely 
covered with jungle, traversed by numerous streams and only 
sparsely inhabited by a semi-nomadic race of men, who pass 
their time alternately in rude cultivation, hunting, and internal 



422 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

warfare,, varied by occasional predatory incursions on territory 
occupied either by the British or the semi-independent States 
protected by them/'' The Looshai district is situated between 
24° 20" and 22° 30" N. latitude, and lies north of the British 
province of Chittagong, south-west of the protected State of 
Munnipoor, south of the tea-district portion of British Cachar, 
and due west of the protected State of Tipperah. It is about 
sixty miles broad, and one hundred and thirty-five miles long. 
" The best way to find the Looshai country is to draw a line 
due east from Calcutta. At a distance of about three hundred 
miles this line strikes the south-eastern angle of the district in 
question.''^ The inhabitants of the Looshai country are be- 
lieved to be of Malay origin ; but nothing can be pronounced 
with certainty regarding them, except that, when roused into 
action, they become very dangerous and troublesome neigh- 
bours, in three great tribes, numbering about twenty-five 
thousand ; and the sooner they are entirely placed under British 
rule the better for the future peace of our south-eastern frontier. 

As our Indian Empire advances, we must be prepared, 
especially in Eastern Asia, for local surprises, and tribal risings, 
which will give ample opportunity for the display of political 
talent, fortunately not rare in our Indian Services. Notwith- 
standing the new regime — which has its merits — the old spirit of 
Malcolm, Metcalfe, Munro, Outram, and many others, will 
cJing to the soil, and make clever politicals, though it mny not 
make great statesmen. Such an afi'air as a Naga rising, in itself, 
seems of little importance; but it is just these little things that 
produce great results in " the stupendous whole " of our 
Government. A worthy and talented Commissioner is mur- 
dered ; and the question comes naturally to be, — Why ? And 
again, by the British public — always anxious to acquire know- 
ledge — Who are the Nagas ; whence come they ? 

From a description of difierent tribes inhabiting in and 
around the old Burman Empire, by Howard Malcolm, " who 
sailed from America in September 1835, on an expedition to 



THE NAGAS. 423 

explore a new field of missionary enterprise in the East/^ we 
learn that the Nagas are a numerous people on the borders of 
Cachar, Munnipoor, and Assam. Their country belonged 
partly to one and partly to the other of these States. They 
are called Nagas (literally " naked people ") from their almost 
total want of dress ; and they are divided into many clans or 
tribes^ differing greatly in their measure of civilisation. " The 
better sort dwell in compact villages of well-built houses on 
high hills^ and are reported to be a very handsome and athletic 
race, active both in agriculture and merchandise." Their 
religion is a rude sort of demonology, but they have little or 
no idea of a Supreme Being, or of the nature of the soul. 
Some of these tribes were—and possibly are at the present 
time — in the lowest state of humanity ; and " Mr. Rae, of the 
Serampore Mission, has made extensive journeys among them 
and the Meekeers, and published ample and interesting details.''^ 

Some forty-three years later, Captain Forbes, in his inte- 
resting work on " British Burma and its People,-'^ says, with 
reference to the conquest of India by the Aryan races, and 
their wars with the people they found in possession : — '^ These 
non- Aryan tribes are described under various names, several of 
which have been identified with those so-called aboriginal 
tribes of the present day. Amongst these were the Nagas, who 
are described as having been a powerful and partly civilised 
people. We cannot, certainly, clearly connect these Nagas 
with those tribes of the same name which now occupy the 
East of Bengal and belong to the Tibeto-Burman family, but 
we may mark the coincidence.''^* 

We are strongly inclined to think they are the very same. 
If not, who can they be ? It is surely easier to believe in the 
Naga pure thus put before us, than in the idea that the White 
Karens of Burma and the Todars of the Neilgherries are de- 
scended from the Ten Tribes ! The mysteries of mankind — 

* Page 37. 



424 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

" names and natures " — are yet to be revealed. We are only 
just commencing the study. But our business at present is 
with the Nagas of our own day^ on the north-eastern frontier 
of Assam ; and it is highly probable^ as has been remarked to 
us by a shrewd observer^ that they;, taking advantage of the 
withdrawal of our Envoy from Mandalay^^ became ripe for 
revolt. The murder of the excellent Mr. Damant, Political 
Agent in the Hills, took place at Konoma, some twenty miles 
south-east of Kohima, which, at the beginning of the year, had 
been made the head-quarters of the Political Agency. Mr. 
Damant was one of the most promising members of the Assam 
Commission, and in 1876 had acted as Political Agent at 
Munipur (Munnipoor), and his political and administrative 
career was said to be marked by " courage, tact, and dis- 
cretion.^^ The fault on the last melancholy occasion appears to 
have been the want of a sufficient force at Kohima, on which 
position the rebels, after the murder, immediately advanced. 
And now, after the place has been relieved (27th October) we 
learn again the lesson that such uncertain posts in a wild region 
should be of considerable strength in men as well as material, 
and that a political agent-'s escort should always be very strong 
and select, composed partly of Europeans, and should never be 
divided.f Eventually, as remarked, Kohima, with its stockade, 
was relieved, and a " terrible catastrophe " probably averted. If 
severe measures be not adopted, we venture to think, the Naga 
hill tribes will yet give us much trouble, quite as much as the 
Looshais did some years ago. The former expedition to the 
Naga hills was in December 1877. About the middle of No- 



* See Note, p. 426. 

+ We read that lialf the escort (of eighty sepoys) was left in the plain 
(Konoma) below when Mr. Damant advanced. — The relief of Kohima was en- 
trusted to Colonel Johnstone (with two thousand Munipuries), when some 
desperate fighting took place. " Showers of bullets, spears, and rocks " met 
our troops in each attack. Stone walls had been built by the enemy as ob- 
structions. — Colonel Nuttall, Major Evans, and all the troops engaged did 
good service. 



THE BURMESE ROYAL FAMILY. 425 

vember (1879) it was announced that Her Majesty the Queen 
had expressed her " heartfelt sympathy '"' to Mr. Damant's 
parents on the loss of their brave son under circumstances 
" exceptionally trying/-' — To the relatives and friends of all who 
die in the service of their country^ nothing is more grateful than 
the kind and ever thoughtful expressions of the Queen-Empress. 



NOTES. 
The Burmese Eotal Family. 



Information has reached us from Burma (wrote the " Pioneer ") 
in greater detail than we have previously received of the nume- 
rous family of the late King. The gay old monarch had during 
his life-time fifty-three recognised wives, by whom he had forty- 
eight sons and sixty-two daughters, or a nice little family of 
one hundred and ten children, of whom fifty- nine survived him. 
Of the fifty-three wives, twelve died before the King, and of the 
remainder two were imprisoned by him on account of their sup- 
posed complicity ia plots by their children, the Meng-Gwan and 
Katha Princes ; and two were expelled for adultery. Deducting 
those who died and these four, the King had, at the time of 
his death, thirty-seven recognised wives. Of these thirty-seven 
ladies one only was massacred by King Theebau, She appears 
to have been particularly obnoxious to him on account of her being 
the mother of the Mekhara Prince, a powerful rival of Theebau's. 
No fewer than fourteen of this lady's children and grandchildren 
were massacred with her ; one of her grandsons had fled to Rangoon. 
Thirteen of the late King's wives quitted the palace either during 
his illness or just after his death. The remaining twenty-three wives 
are still in the palace, and of that number seven only are free or 
believed to be so. The other sixteen are in confinement more or 
less strict. Seven are known to be in what may be called rigorous 
imprisonment ; some of them are in double-irons, half-starved, 
and not permitted to have any attendants. Out of the forty-eight 
sons born to the King, twenty-four died before him, leaving twenty- 
four alive at the time of his death. Of these twenty -four, four- 
teen are known to have been massacred by Theebau. Pour are 
now alive in India, leaving only six, iacluding the present 
King, ahve in Mandalay. Of these six, only one beside the King 
is grown up. This one is the Kya-beng Prince, who is a lunatic ; 



426 OUE BURMESE WAES. 

and it is not certain that even lie lias been left alive. The other 
four are boys from ten to two years of age. Out of the sixty-two 
daughters of the late King ^thirty-five survived him. Pour of 
these, all married to princes, were with their families killed by 
Theebau in February and March last ; of the remainder twenty- 
one are now in confinement in the palace, nine of them being in 
close imprisonment. — Sept. 1879. 

Withdrawal of the British Eesident from Mandalay, 

This for some time expected event took place on the 6th of 
October, under instructions from the Indian Government. Due 
notice was given by Mr. St. Barbe, the Assistant-Eesident, to the 
Burmese authorities, that he was about to quit the capital. The 
departure was announced by telegram from Simla on the 7th, 
which added : — " Since the departure of Colonel Horace Browne, 
the position of Mr. St. Barbe had daily become more and more 
unsatisfactory. The studied discourtesy with which he was treated, 
combined with the spirit of antagonism towards the British displayed 
by King Theebau and the Court party, and finally the system of 
espionage over the inhabitants of the Residency established by the 
Burmese authorities, rendered the continuance of diplomatic rela- 
tions, even for routine business, impossible, and Mr. St. Barbe was 
accordingly instructed to leave. Notice of the withdrawal of the 
Eesidency was given to all the British subjects in Bhamo and 
Mandalay. Acts of barbarity continue to be committed by the 
Palace party." It was pleasing to know that he left without 
molestation for the British steamer, with the whole of his establish- 
ment. Soon after, all the English residents, with their property, 
and that of the flotilla were preparing to leave the capital. And so 
ended, for the present, our diplomatic relations with King Theebau 
and his Court at Mandalay ! Nothing could have been more for- 
bearing than the conduct of the Indian Grovernment in this matter ; 
and Mr. St. Barbe deserves credit for the true English "pluck " he 
displayed throughout the severe trial. The rising young Bengal 
civilian achieved distinction which would have been impossible as 
Political Agent at Bhamo. "The withdrawal of the Eesidency 
from Mandalay," we read (" Standard," 8th of October), "will 
involve the abandonment of the miaor Eesidentship which the 
Government of India used to uphold at Bhamo." It was thought 
that, excepting for information about Yunnan and the Kakhyen 
tribes, occasionally received, the abolition of the post would be of 



POPULATION OP MANDALAT. — HEAD QUEEN. 427 

little importance. However, there is certainly a great future in 
store for Bhamo — when British trade with South-west China be- 
comes developed, which must be the case ere long ! While on the 
subject of "Eesidents," it is interesting to learn from General 
Pytche that, " in the present day the British Eesident at Mandalay 
is (was) in direct communication with the Foreign Secretary to the 
Government of India, without the intervention of the Chief Com- 
missioner." And, again, on the authority of Colonel Yule, that 
" King Tharawadi is said to have been much amused at the 
success of his efforts to extinguish the Residency, and thought 
it an especially good joke that the Eesidents somehow always got 
ill." Simultaneous with the departure of the Eesident, the Indian 
Government had ordered H.M.'s ships "Euby" and " Wild Swan" 
to Eangoon. 

The Population of Mandalay. 
The Mahomedans in Burma. 

We have received the following information from the most 
authentic source, which will constitute a valuable addition to the 
population statistics already given : — The number of houses in the 
city and suburbs of Mandalay is, in round numbers, about 12,000; 
and the population is roughly estimated at 66,000. We have no 
knowledge of the number of Mahomedans among them. 

To this we may add : — It is curious to observe that, out of the 
82,000 Mahomedans in Burma, the majority are the descendants 
of Mahomedan fathers and Burmese mothers — a strange alliance 
between the religion of Gautama and that taught by the Koran. — 
Truly, as has been well said, the whole Mussulman world — espe- 
cially in India and Eastern Asia — requires from us the most serious 
attention at the present time, so as to avert any possible danger. 

King Theebau's Head Queen. 
A correspondent of the "Times of India" wrote from Manda- 
lay : — " Extensive preparations are being made at the palace in 
prospect of a coming event, viz., the confinement of King Theebau's 
head queen, the Soo-pyah-lat. The Phongyees (priests), Poonaks 
or astrologers, Baydin Sayas or fortune-tellers, have been duly 
consulted, and they have all unanimously come to the conclusive 
prediction that the new comer will be a royal son, and Theebau has 
declared that he shall be the Eoyal heir-apparent to the throne of the 
King of the Eising Sun, Lord of the White Elephant, the Golden 
Umbrella, &c. It is reported that the cradle, which has just been 



428 OUK BUEMESE WAES. 

completed, cost the State nearly two lakhs of rupees. The cradle 
was first framed with mango wood, and encased with sheet gold 
inside and outside. Orer this is ornamented gold- work, set with 
precious stones of all kinds — diamonds, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, 
&c., and the work is said to be very superior, as it is turned out by 
the best of the first-class goldsmiths of Upper Burma. The 
arrangements for fitting up the cradle are as follows : — A soft bed 
or cushion covered with green silk velvet, and the sides with em- 
broidered work. I should have stated the manner in which the 
cradle was to be fixed, and how worked. A thick iron rod has been 
fixed across the room, some twelve feet above the floor, and the 
cradle is suspended by means of golden cords, made of golden wire 
for the purpose of swinging, and to work backwards and forwards 
like punkahs in your part of the world. The King objected to the 
old method of having the Eoyal cradle pulled by a parcel of old 
women, so the mechanical and engineering elements of his kingdom 
were called into requisition, and I am told that one of the Italian 
mechanics has invented a wind-up machine by which the cradle can 
be set going, once wound-up, for a day or night, or until further 
orders, to the great delight of the King. The Eoyal babe is to be 
nursed and brought up in the English style, and for this purpose 
the sum of five thousand rupees was given to one of the sisters 
of the convent here to purchase a complete outfit ; and my in- 
formant says that the sister has faithfully executed the order, and 
the paraphernalia for the youth has been deposited in good time. 
The King and Queen are said to abhor the sight of Europeans, 
and of the English particularly, and yet we have the fact before 
us that the foregoing preparations are after the European fashion." 
The belief in astrology in Burma being quite as strong as it was 
in Britain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the 
writer of the foregoiag graphic picture might, even before the 
advent of an infant Theebau, have introduced a Chin-Indian Chiy 
Mannering, who, in his divinations regarding the future son and 
heir, might, taking the key from the Eoyal parent, have observed 
" that three periods would be particularly hazardous — his fifth — 
his tenth — his twenty-first year"* — about the latter age his father 
having ruled over Upper Burma ! 

* See " Guy Mannering," chap. iv. 



TEOOPS IN BURMA. 429 



BRITISH BUEMA DIYISION. 



(Adjutant-General's Office, Fort St. George, 1st July 1879.) 

Head-quarters, Rangoon. 

Two batteries, 8tli Brigade, Royal Artillery ; one company of 
Sappers and Miners ; 89tli Foot ; 24th Native Infantry. 

Thayet-myo. 
K.. battery, 1st Brigade, and half a battery Eoyal Artillery; 
Head-quarters and wing 44th Foot ; 32nd Native Infantry. 

Toungoo. 
Two batteries, 8th Brigade, Royal Artillery; wing 44th 
Foot; 41st Native Infantry; two companies and a half 33rd 
Native Infantry. 

Shwe-gyeen. 
One company and a half 33rd Native Infantry. 

Maulmain. 
Wing 33rd Native Infantry. 

Port Blair {Andamans) . 
One company 89th Foot ; seven companies and a half 23rd 
Native Infantry. 

Nicobars. 
Half a company 23rd Native Infantry. 



430 QUE BUEMESE WAES. 



Regiments specially on Service in Burma. 

H. M/s 43rd Foot; wing 54tliFoot; C company Sappers 
and Miners; wing 19tli Native Infantry; 22nd Native In- 
fantry ; 31st Native Infantry. 



431 



adde:^da. 



PAET I. 



EXTRACTS FEOM NARRATIVES OF THE CAMPAIGNS 
OF 1824-25. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin at Martaban and Ye. 

The passage from Rangoon on tlie Irawady to Martaban on the 
Salween appears insignificant on the map. But the strong 
currents of the intermediate portion of the coast baffled day- 
after day the fleet of Lieutenant- Colonel Godwin. He did not 
arrive near the romantic lake and heights of Martaban before 
the 29th September. On the 30th the Burmans were driven 
from its town^ fortified pagodas^ and stockaded lines^ by a scien- 
tific attack. The Lieutenant- Colonel detached Captain O'Reilly 
of the 41st against Ye-Mijo. This also was rapidly captured. 
The occupation of Martaban brought the British upon the 
frontier line of the Siamese. But no efibrts of either Burman or 
British agents, neither arguments, promises, nor threats, could 
ever divert that Government from their cautious and reserved 
system of policy. They persevered in an armed neutrality to 
the end of the protracted contest, carefully watching the tre- 
pidations of the balance of success. They could never be drawn 
into any overt act of hostility against the Burmans; but to 
keep well with their enemies, they filled the streets of Ran- 
goon with a tinsel embassage, so soon as they heard of the 



432 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

advance of the Britisli; and during the third campaign the 
political agents at Martaban were amused from time to time 
with choice specimens of enigmatical eloquence by a General- 
in-Chief with the sonorous name of Roung-roung. 

The Health of the Troops at Rangoon.* 

Meanwhile the privations and sufferings of the troops at 
Rangoon were painfully aggravated. The continued use of 
salt provisions had added to the disease which preyed on 
them before, scurvy — a frightful scourge anywhere, but on the 
humid delta of an huge river, a foe to human health, which 
seemed to defy extirpation. The heavy rains, which had in- 
termitted after the second week of October, were renewed in 
November with their former violence. Ships despatched from 
Rangoon in July, could not bring back any effectual succours 
in less than four months. Private adventurers had brought 
sheep and poultry to this mart of starvation. But they were 
few in number, and were sold at rates incredibly exorbitant. 
They furnished only an ephemeral repast for the tables of a few 
of the half-famished officers. Pine-apples abounded in the 
forests. Limes and citrons were to be found in rude orchards. 
The juice of these fruits might have been rendered sanative to 
a few, if used as antiscorbutics only. But the heedless voracity 
with which such unripe rarities were swallowed by hungry 
soldiers proved fatal to hundreds of dysenteric sufferers. Bread 
had been, from the. month of August, supplied in sufficient 
quantities for the consumption of hospitals. But the rations of 
the soldier consisted of rice, a crude indigestible viand for the 
stomach of a native of Britain, salted beef and pork, which 
vitiated the animal juiced, and biscuit seldom fresh, and com- 
monly swarming with animalcules, or mouldy from long 
detention under hatches, or in damp magazines. The supply 



* Towards the conclusion of November 1824. 



PAET I. 433 

of medicines was not abundant, nor assorted with a view to 
peculiar ailments, wliich could not have been anticipated. Of 
most of the articles included under the head of medical com- 
forts, there was yet a greater scarcity. It may be surmised 
that where there were no cattle, milk was not procurable ; yet 
a milk diet would have saved many valuable lives. Dropsical 
symptoms manifested themselves extensively. Dyspepsia, and 
acute hepatitis were yet more common. Diarrhcea and dysen- 
tery committed lamentable ravages. For dyspeptic, hepatic, 
dysenteric, and scorbutic patients, there were neither milk, 
vegetables, farinaceous food, nor nutritive broths. These de- 
ficiencies baffled the skill, though they could not extinguish the 
zeal, of the medical officers. The plan of mooring transports at 
the mouth of the river, on board of which convalescents might 
inhale the sea-breezes, did not produce very beneficial results. 
The most successful of the sanitary measures was the establish- 
ment of a depot at Mergui. 



Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin at Tantabain. 

It was known to the British that Bandoola had concentrated 
a force, swelled by this time to a considerable amount, at 
Donabew. The Kee Woonghee, or first Woonghee of the 
Empire, commanded several detachments intended to cover 
the left bank of the Irawady. One of these had taken post at 
Tantabain. It was the plan of Sir Archibald Campbell to 
assume two principal lines of advance, one up the stream of the 
Rangoon river, Panlang branch, and great eastern branch of 
the Irawady, the other parallel to the prolongation of the left 
bank of this same branch ; but at some distance from it, as far 
as Sarawah. At that point the two lines would become coin- 
cident. It seemed necessary as a preliminary measure to clear 
the Laing river. Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin was detached 
against Tantabain. This officer found the enemy on the 16th 

28 



434 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

o£ February, posted two thousand strong in a position on the 
point of a little peninsula. Two sides of their work were ex- 
tended to eleven hundred paces each. It was lined with 
thirty-six guns. The Lieutenant-Colonel caused the '' Satel- 
lite " armed ship, towed by the steam vessel, to enfilade one 
face of the defences. He paralysed the barbarians by her fire, 
and a shower of rockets launched from the deck of the ^'^Diana,''^ 
by Captain Graham's troop. The Burmans were amazed at 
the velocity, the dazzling light, the rapid succession, the fatal 
aim, and ominous hissing of this new weapon. The grenadiers 
of the 41st, transported by the boats to a point sheltered from 
fire, rushed upon the enemy in the moment of consternation. 
The work was carried. The barbarians left behind thirty-four 
out of thirty-six guns. — Havelock. 

Major Sale at Bassein. 

Sir Archibald Campbell had sent some troops to manoeuvre 
on the line of the great western branch of the Irawady. Major 
Salens transports were conveyed by H. M.'s frigate "Lame," 
and the Hon. Company's cruiser " Mercury.'' The passage of 
his fleet round the circumference of the coast was tedious. It 
reached Pagoda point in great Negrais on the 24th of February. 
Major Wahab had arrived here in May 1824, when all might 
have been attempted, which was now worth attempting. The 
enemy had constructed some works on both the greater and the 
lesser island. Their defenders were put to flight by the fire 
of the ships of war. Whilst the expedition was making its 
way with little opposition between the picturesque banks of 
the magnificent stream, the Burmese set fire to Bassein and 
retreated towards Lamina. The fleet anchored off the smoking 
ruins on the 3rd March. Major Sale having established his 
troops in the area of the Grand Pagoda endeavoured by assu- 
rances, and the distribution of proclamations, to restore con- 
fidence in the minds of the alarmed inhabitants. — Ibid. 



PART I. 435 



Prome. 



The fate of tlie campaign was decided^ as it had been easy 
to foresee,, under the walls of Donabew. Sir Archibald Camp- 
bell, regaining his former line of route, by recrossing the 
river at Sarawah, prosecuted an unopposed advance. He en- 
tered Prome on the 35th April 1825. General Cotton^s division 
in rejoining him, encountered no obstacles but the rocks, 
shallows, and rapids of the Irawady. 

But the army had lost half a month. Prome was its place 
of arms during the monsoon. A reconnoissance was pushed to 
Meaday fifty miles beyond it. Prome may be considered the 
third town in the Empire. The commercial advantages of 
Rangoon seem to entitle it to rank second. Prome stands on 
a somewhat lofty margin of the river. A timber stockade en- 
closes three or four narrow streets of huts, the wooden houses 
of the local Government, those of the priesthood and numerous 
pagodas. 

Considerable intervening spaces are partially planted with 
trees. From the platforms of the work the inhabitants look 
forth across a stream of a thousand yards at the rocky heights 
which guard the right bank. These are a portion of the chain 
of wooded hills, which extend in unbroken links from a point 
on the right bank forty miles below Prome to another one 
hundred and sixty miles above it. 

This line of two hundred miles is beautiful throughout. The 
eye of the voyager on the Irawady is perpetually feasted with 
the sight of hanging woods, which in this climate are never 
entirely deprived of their foliage. In the more abrupt bends 
of the river the rocks, which occasionally decorate the left 
bank also, seem to unite themselves amphitheatrically with 
those of the right. 

The spectator may fancy himself on a lake in a mountainous 
region. This, and sudden glimpses of pagodas perched adven- 
turously on the summits of crags, like the castles of the Rhine, 

28 * 



436 0[JR BURMESE WARS. 

are the principal features of the picturesque in Ava. The site 
of Prome is salubrious as "well as beautiful. The town is a 
healthy place of residence even in the season of rain. The air 
of the breezy hills around it is yet more delicious. 

A line of heights lower than those of the right bank extends 
along the left from Shwe-doungmyo_, ten miles below Prome. 
A few hundred yards southward of the latter, these hills run 
oflP abruptly at a right angle, shaping their course into the 
interior. On the summits of the mounds and hillocks of this 
range the troops were cantoned. Eoomy huts of mats, timber, 
and thatch, were quickly thrown up for them. The officers 
built themselves small bungalows of the same materials. Freed 
from care, from wants and sickness, they here spent their 
days nearly as agreeably as in the remoter stations of the Pre- 
sidencies. Another monsoon was before the army ; but how 
far different from the last ! The defeat of Bandoola at Ko- 
kaing had restored its population to Rangoon. His death,* 
and the dispersion of his bands at Donabew, relieved the plains 
and villages of Pegu from the second reign of terror. The 
British army had acted on its march in the spirit of the bene- 
volent proclamation of its leader. It had conciliated Pegu. 
From Rangoon to Yandaboo the conduct of the force was ex- 
emplary. Even the followers of the camp, by far the most 
intractable portion of an armament in India, were never guilty 
of serious indiscipline. This opinion does not rest solely on 
British testimony. He who should dispute its correctness, 
would find many thousands of Peguers to contradict him. The 
presence of General Sir A. Campbell^s divisions was not only 
never felt as a calamity in Pegu, but regarded as a protection 
against the severity of the Burmans. In April 1826, their 
departure was bewailed in terms of clamorous regret, which no 
prudential arguments could restrain. The simple people of 



* April 1, 1825. Supposed to have been caused hj a Congreve rocket. 



PAET I. 437 

these provinces arrived at once at the secret of British supe- 
riority without the aid of metaphysics^ or political economy. 
They said,, " The Inglee Rajahs pay for everything, and do not 
cut off our heads /^ This surprised and delighted them. — 
Havelock's Campaigns in Ava. 

Malown. 

Sir A. Campbell's Despatch reporting the result of the attack 
on the Burmese entrenchments at Malown (or Melown) on the 
19th January 1836, has a peculiar interest ; but, as there is 
hardly space for it in this volume, the reader is referred to the 
author's " Rangoon : a Narrative/' Appendix vii. p. 263. 

Burmese General Orders. 
Found in the Governor's House at Syriam, near Rangoon. 

In the First Burmese War, hostility to the English " stran- 
gers " was intense ; and anathemas loud and deep, like shells, 
were made to burst continually over the heads of our devoted 
countrymen. The following is a good specimen of the prayer 
(at length assuming the form of a general order) which, up- 
wards of fifty years ago, was levelled against our gallant 
Anglo-Indian army, and is in ^the genuine vindictive, melo- 
dramatic style : — 

" In order that not one of the wild foreigners may escape from 
being destroyed and slain, they must be apprehended, by cover- 
ing the face of the earth with an innumerable host, to accomplish 
which, effectual measures are now in progress. . . . Having 
the district of Syriam under your personal inspection, should 
any deficiency exist, you will petition for whatever may be 
required, without delay. 

" Although it is a business of great difficulty to shut up the 
course and channel of the river, yet by labour and constant 
exertion, night and day, it must be done ; and as the men of 



438 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

the war-boats have been detached from you, others from the 
grand army are sent to replace them/' 

" To Oona Penen and the Principal Men of the Yamhu-gangee 

Gold Boat. 

" On the grounds subject to the Maywoon's war-boat (beyond 

Kemmendine), whoever is an inhabitant must not say he is 

free,, or belonging to such and such a prince^ but they must 

act unitedly in blocking up the ships' passage through the river 

and channels of Silva^ by throwing in logs of wood and roots 

of trees, that the captive strangers may not escape ; and if they 

attempt to do so, they must be apprehended and put to death. 

. . . On arriving at Moroon, let no man say he is at liberty, 

or in the service of such or such a chief ; he that can wield a 

sword, let him take a sword ; and he that can use a spear, let 

him take one." 

The latter order is signed by the Burmese avenger, Kengee 
Awengee Bomien. 

The King or Ava's Order. 

" Our royal army will march in several divisions to seize, 
kill, and crush the rebel strangers, who are in Prome. The 
victorious advance division, under the chief Maha Nemiow, 
seized, killed, and crushed the strangers at Watty-goon ; owing 
to the excellent power of the Golden Majesty, they could not 
resist or stand before us. . . . The strangers came with 
great confidence: as they have been beaten this first time, 
they cannot stand on another occasion ; the royal army having 
conquered once, ten times it will be successful,'' &c. &c. 

Probably such a proud assurance of conquest was never before 
penned in a general order. 

The reader's attention is requested to the striking phrase- 
ology of the words in these orders marked in italics — the 
former being like what we meet with in the Old Testament of 
our Bible, and the latter in the New, 



PART I. 439 

Buddha — especially shadowed forth in Oriental writings and 
with similar attributes to the Messiah in Isaiah — has often been 
considered the rude form of our Saviour — one of the skeletons 
of our Faith embedded in the far East. But Gautama,, the 
incarnation of Buddha, the deity of the Burmese, when we 
consider the Gautamaic influence over the Golden Land, comes 
strikingly forward as a parallel in the above passage which 
refers to taking a sivord in a case of emergency, ^ee St. Luke 
xxii. 36, ' ' But now, he that hath a purse, let him take it, and 
likewise his scrip -, and he that hath no sword, let him sell his 
garment and buy one ! ■" This is at least remarkable. Com- 
pare also the previous verse with the Phongyees, or Burmese 
teachers, when they go abroad without either " purse '"' or 
" scrip." See "Rangoon," chapter x., on Gautama, page 138. 

Patkoi. 

With reference to the end of the fourth chapter and the 
term " Patkoi," we find, — 

"It is also written Patkai, which, Mr. Trelawney Saunders 
informs us, is an abbreviation of Pat-kai-seng-kan, which means 
Cut-fowls-oath-taken. It originated in consequence of an oath 
ratified between the Ahom Raja Cheedangpha on the north 
side, with Surunphai, the Nora Raja of the south side of the 
range, in 1399-1400 a.d. The oath bound them to respect 
the Nongyang pani as the boundary between them." 



440 OUR BURMESE WARS. 



PART II. 



EXTRACTS AND NOTES. 

The " Friend of India " wrote (1852) :—" In making Pegu 
British^ we take from the kingdom of Burma its chief financial 
resources^ and its political strength; we deprive it of the 
sinews of war. It is to this prostration of the power of the 
Burmese, and the dread inspired in the Court by our own 
power, that we must look for the security of our new border- 
line. For the last twenty-five years they have occupied the 
territory lying between our own provinces of Arakan and 
Maulmain. A line of hills separates the former from Pegu ; 
but there are three or four passes, through which a barbarian 
army, unencumbered with artillery and commissariat stores, 
might at any time have invaded the province, while Maulmain 
has always been open to incursion.^^ 

Pegu. — Ophir. 

It was in the middle of 1852 that we first became acquainted 
with an admirable work by the Rev. F. Mason, '^M.A., en- 
titled " Tenasserim ; or. Notes on the Fauna, Flora, Minerals, 
and Nations of British Burma and Pegu.^^ Its possession oc- 
casioned the following remarks : — In this work, by a learned 
missionary, will be found much valuable and interesting infor- 
mation. In this age, when gold in California and in Australia 



PAET II. 441 

is drawing so many adventurers from their native land^ it may 
interest mankind to learn that, according to the work in 
question, gold is plentiful in Pegu ; it is distributed all over the 
provinces ; " aU the streams from the lofty granite mountains 
bring down their tribute of the precious metal/-" " There is a 
rumour widely current in Burma, that valuable mines are 
known to the Burmese Court ; but the secret is strictly guarded 
because the treasures of the earth are regarded as a kind of 
royal reserve fund, only to be drawn upon in great emergencies/' 
One would have thought our present occupation of Rangoon, 
Bassein, and Martaban, to be " a great emergency ■'■' ; but 
where, up to the middle of August, is the gold, the yellow, 
glittering gold, we require, with other conditions — and to 
which we are now legally entitled ? 

Pegu is called by the Talaings Suburnubhumi, or the land 
of gold. Mr. Mason endeavours to prove that it is no other 
than the Ophir of Solomon. " The ancient name of Moubee, 
in the delta of the Irawady, was Suvanna-nadee, or ' river of 
gold"*; indicating that Pegu was famous in antiquity for its 
gold; and gold and silver appear to have been much more 
abundant than they are now, even three centuries ago.'' '^The 
Sanscrit form of Suvana is Suverna; and this, when the final 
syllable is dropped, is nearly indentical with Soupheir, the 
Greek name of Ophir." 

We had read somewhere of our own India supposed to be 
Ophir ', but this proof of Mr. Mason's is quite new, and as 
convincing as most proofs from etymology. 

The Burmese language is said to be a compound of the 
ancient Pali with the Sanscrit, the Tartar, and the Chinese. 
[The Burman language, as well as the Siamese, is written 
from left to right.] 

B,ANGOON. 

Regarding the capture of the Great Dagon Pagoda, the 
General's despatch contains the following reasons for not ad- 



442 OUR BURMESE" WARS. 

vancing on the IStli : — '' On Tuesday, the ISth, it was reported^ 
the heavy battery-guns could not be landed, and be with me, 
before the middle of that day ; and, also, that rations for the 
troops could not be prepared in time to enable me to advance. 
I therefore held my position tiU the next morning," 

Nothing can be more natural in an officer of high standing 
than a disposition in favour of his own branch of the service ; 
that in which he has won honour and renown. The veteran 
warrior. Sir Charles Napier, at the Preston Waterloo dinner, 
said to the 50th Regiment — " There has been a great deal of talk 
about the Minie rifle ; but I can assure you, 50th, there is nothing 
like ' Old Brown Bess,-' with a fixed bayonet, a strong arm, a 
strong heart, and strong courage." Very true ; but to bring these 
grand qualities into highly successful operation, it strikes one, 
especially where attacks on outworks and a strongly-fortified 
position are probable, that the most powerful arm in war should 
occupy the chief importance. General Godwin, then, may 
have said he could not have advanced the first day without 
landing at least two of the heavy guns, with a large supply 
of ammunition for these, and ample for the light field batteries, 
to take along with him. 

It may be brought forward in support of the advance on the 
12th, that the artillery of the shipping had sufficiently exercised 
the powerful arm of destruction. In the chances of war, this 
would appear to carry a species of justification along with it. 
The military critic then replies — But why talk of chance, now- 
a-days, when an overwhelming display of ordnance, in the first 
instance, against every point of attack reduces operations almost 
to a certainty of success ? But, after all, it is more difficult 
to do, than to know " what were good to do " ; yet we were 
highly successful; and history wiU record that the capture of 
Rangoon opened the Second Burmese War with " a brilliant 
feat of arms." * 



* So was the capture Btyled by the " Times" of London : — "The capture 
of Rangoon has opened the Burmese War with a brilliant feat of arms, and 



PAET II. 443 

With regard to tlie works of the fortress, it may be men- 
tioned, that the cutting off a long projecting right flank was 
proposed by that gallant and talented officer, Colonel Apthorp, 
35th Madras Native Infantry ; his suggestion was taken up by 
the field engineer, and a breast-work was thrown up {en cremal- 
liere) . The construction of the new barracks for the European 
troops did infinite credit to Major Eraser and the Engineer 
Department. We had now (middle of August) the commence- 
ment of a new and important British station. There was 
covering in Rangoon for a large army. 

Volunteers. 

One of the most important and interesting incidents of this 
war was to be found in the " volunteering for Burma/-' The 
4th Sikhs, Bamghur Irregular Cavalry, and another Sikh corps 
were to form a portion of the gaUant " army of Ava/' Those 
who came forward as our bitterest enemies in December 1845, 
through the wonderful nature of our G-overnment, probably 
were, in October, November, or December 1852, to assist us 
either in taking entire possession of Pegu, or in humiliating 
the Burmese, and planting the British standard on the walls 
of Ava! The two Sikh regiments for Burma were to com- 
mence their downward march on the 15th of August. 

Prome. 

The proceedings of Captain Tarleton^s expedition, which was 
sent to reconnoitre Prome, have been briefly narrated. The 
Burmese, it appears, were located in great numbers on the left 
bank of the river. On this bank, in commanding positions, 
were bastions mounted with cannon. But the steamers took 



we shall be happy to learn that the irresistible force of the British squadron 
on the coast, and the fall of the chief port of Bnrma, has at once convinced 
the Court of Ava," &o.— May 31, 1852. 



444 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

the other channel, or right branch, and reached the main river 
uninjured. The steamers were " nine days in going up to Prome, 
staying there two days and returning/^ A small steamer be- 
longing to the King of Ava " had left for Ava only the day 
previous to the arrival of our steamers/^ 

In a second expedition. Captain Tarleton repassed the forti- 
fied rock, a little below Prome, where General Bandoola had 
before taken up [position. It was deserted; but more guns 
were found. 

Arakan. 

Some interesting intelligence was, in August, received from 
Sandoway and Arakan. The Aeng river had been proved to 
be navigable for steamers, having a light draught, upwards of 
thirty miles further than had hitherto been supposed to be the 
case. This was no trifling advantage, should the authorities 
decide on sending any troops to Burma by the Aeng Pass. 

Lieutenant Fytche, the very active and enterprising civil officer 
at Sandoway, had, after great exertions, opened a land com- 
munication between that place and Bassein, a communication 
which is effected in seven days, and can be continued thence to 
Rangoon in three or four more. 

The following intelligence was terrible ! — " The Burmese, who 
come across, say the troops at the capital are determined to 
fight like devils ; and that two brigades are formed, one termed 
the Invulnerables, the other the Invincibles, which are to 
cut aU the English to pieces ! " 

Captain Barry, commanding the Arakan Battalion, on hear- 
ing of General Godwin^s successes, " turned out a couple of 
guns, and ' woke the slumbering echoes ■* of the passes with a 
Boyal salute, much to the astonishment of the natives.'' 

The Aeng Pass. 
An intelligent officer, at the commencement of the war, re- 
marked that it was probable, in the cold weather, that Assam 
would make a demonstration against Burma. It now appeared 



PAST II. 446 

that the Mimipur Eajah was all energy to repel Burmese in- 
vasion. But an advance from Burma on Upper Assam or 
Munipore at this season would be impracticable. The distance 
that divides Munipiir from Burma Proper is three hundred 
miles. The routes^ in every respect_, are described as insur- 
mountable. Nevertheless^ in the last war^ the Burmese poured 
their troops down on Arakan through the Aeng Pass^ and into 
Cachar through Munipur ; so^ in the rainy season, they might 
be tempted " to beat up our quarters in Cachar and in the pro- 
vince of Arakan .^^ ''^The troops collected at Arakan might 
form the nucleus of the army which would march across the 
Aeng Pass_, during the cold weather, into the valley of the 
Irawady, and co-operate with the army from Rangoon in its 
march to the capital, where," said the " Friend," '^ alone we 
can make peace with any confidence of its permanency." 

An Advance to Ava. 
From all accounts, there appears to be no want of water to 
navigate the mighty Irawady with our small steamers. What 
a magnificent undertaking — the British ascending, perhaps 
slowly, but surely, " capturing Meaday, Patanago, Pagan, and 
many towns of importance, situated principally on the left 
bank," and then reaching and taking possession of the capital ! 
From Eangoon, Donabew is less than one hundred miles up 
the stream; Prome is about one hundred and thirty from 
Donabew; and from Prome to Ava, say, is two hundred and 
sixty. By annexing the Delta only, we shall have a popula- 
tion which "would efiectually counteract the hostility of the 
Burmese." Should this be done, to repel Burmese invasion 
of British Pegu — a crisis not altogether improbable — would 
bring on a third Burmese war, which would last but a short 
time, and surely end in the entire annexation to the British 
dominions of Alompra^s once powerful empire. (August 1852.) 



446 OUE BURMESE WARS. 



PAET III. 



PAPEES AND NOTES. 

General Godwin^s Farewell Address to the Army of 
Burma.* 

The Major-General is about to resign the command of the 
army, — an army that for one year and four months has not 
given the Major-General one hour of trouble or anxiety. 
Whether in the field or in quarters its admirable conduct has 
held an even course. It is a singular fact that with troops of 
three distinct Services, of which this Force has been composed, 
not one collision of interests has come to the knowledge of 
the Major-General — all has been harmony ; and the good of the 
service on which the Force has been employed has been the 
prevailing and first consideration of the combined whole. 

Such creditable bearing must increase the painful feelings of 
the Major-General to know he is leaving so excellent a force, 
which he has never been absent from one day — sharing as he 
has done in its triumphs in the field and living with it in its 
quarters, — so that he does not consider the subject he is now 
addressing to them so much in the light of a farewell address as 



* Dated Prome, 27t]i July 1853. 



PART III. 447 

a testimony of the warmest feelings towards his brother soldiers. 
[The General, after acknowledging the services of the Staff, in- 
dividually and collectively, proceeds.] The Major- General 
begs to offer his warmest thanks to Brigadier-General Sir J. 
Cheape, K.C.B., and to Brigadier-General S. W. Steel, C.B. ; 
to the Brigadiers of the several Brigades, and to the Officers 
commanding E-egiments, for their constant, valuable, and cheer- 
ful support, by which alone he has been able to sustain the 
honourable trust reposed in him by Government. [In the 
address very flattering mention is made of Majors May hew, 
Allen, Boulderson, Budd, and Fraser,* — a galaxy of energy and 
talent that would do honour to any army. The " brave and 
ever ready Sappers ^■' are likewise highly commended. Liberal 
thanks are also bestowed on Brigadier Foord and the Artillery 
of both Presidencies; on Superintending Surgeon Montgo- 
merie, and the Medical Officers of Regiments ; and on our excel- 
lent Chaplains the Beverend H. B. Burney and the Reverend 
J. W. Bull. The General evidently does his best to wish a kind 
farewell to all.] 

Burma. 

Burma, or, as it is sometimes called, the kingdom of Ava, 
occupies nearly a third of the peninsula whose western shore 
borders the Bay of Bengal to the east, stretching to the Straits of 
Malacca to the south, and facing the shores of China on the west. 
It occupies a space of about one hundred and eighty-four thou- 
sand square miles,t extending from the fourteenth to the twenty- 
eighth parallel. The river Irawady, which is wholly within 
the empire, is supposed to be nearly a thousand miles in length. 



* The indefatigable Bengal Engineer, at whose bidding towns rose as if by 
magic, where all before was desolation and rain. 

f The entire Indo-Chinese Peninsula, or Eastern India, has a surface of 
about 700,000 square miles, and a population of 25,000,000, giving 36 persons 
to each_square^mile. 



448 OUB BTJEMESB WARS. 

With the empire in general we need not at present concern 
ourselves ; it is on the delta and shores of the Irawady that 
our attention is pre-eminently concentrated. This noble stream 
discharges itself by fourteen different mouths into the Bay of 
Bengal, lat. 18° — -just south of Cape Negrais. The delta is 
supposed to cover an area of about ten thousand square miles, 
or considerably more than that of the Nile — ^its three sides are 
about , one hundred and thirty-five, one hundred and forty-five, 
and one hundred and thirteen miles in length respectively. So 
far as the tide reaches, the delta of the Irawady is thickly 
covered with jungle and small-sized trees; after this, vast 
tracts of lofty grass, interspersed at intervals with tall-sized 
trees, make their appearance. Eangoon is the marine capital 
of the empire.* From Rangoon to Ava the distance by the 
river is close on five hundred miles, and might be traversed 
against the current by the " Nemesis " or " Phlegethon " in 
four days. The population is estimated at twenty-five thou- 
sand. Amarapura is only accessible by vessels of inconsider- 
able size ; and above this, the river rapidly diminishes in size 
and depth. Prome, in lat. 18*50°, contains a population of 
about ten thousand inhabitants ; it is said to have been the 
earliest of the seats of the Grovernment of the empire. Com- 
pared even to our second-rate Indian cities, those of Burma 
are in point of magnitude inconsiderable, and in architecture 
contemptible in the extreme. In lat. 20*30° to the south of 
the banks of the Irawady, are the famous petroleum wells of 
Burma; they are about three hundred in number, and cover 
an area of sixteen square miles of ground. The quantity 
of mineral oil obtained from them is enormous : when 
drawn it is thin and watery, but speedily thickens on expo- 
sure, and aflbrds the profitable source of lamp-light to all 
the country round. From this all along to Ava, numberless 



On the Panlang or Rangoon river, eastern channel of the Irawady. 



PAET III. 449 

fossils of great beauty, both wood and animal remains, simi- 
lar to those of Perim_, prevail ; and should accident throw our 
warriors in the way of enriching our museums, we trust the 
opportunity presented will not be lost sight of; specimens 
sufficient to replace the weight of a single discharge of shot, 
would fill a cabinet. In the delta the monsoon sets in early 
in May, and for three months rain pours in torrents — the 
remainder of the season is almost rainless. The heat of 
April is oppressive, so the climate there is not unlike our 
own — with this difierence, that they have the wet season a 
month sooner than we have. — ^^ Bombay Times,^' February 
25, 1852. 

Mortality among the Troops in Burma during the War. 

Frequent allusion has been made in the Narrative ("Pegu^^) to 
the health of the troops employed in the operations. This being 
a subject of vast importance, especially as concerning the pro- 
bability of our being in time to come urged on to further con- 
quest in Eastern Asia, the writer, with a view of rendering his 
work as useful as possible for a reference now and hereafter, 
begs to submit the following matter to his readers. It has been 
already stated, from an official return, that in the First Burmese 
War, " during the first year 3^ per cent, of the troops were killed 
in action, while 45 per cent, perished from disease. In the 
ensuing year the mortality decreased one-half; but the total 
loss during the war amounted to 72\ per cent, of the troops 
engaged.^-' We were surprised to see a statement in June (1853) 
purporting to be from the annual returns, that in the Second 
Burmese War, " during the past year, fifty-four European 
officers, one thousand .three hundred and fifty-three European 
soldiers, and probably above two thousand sepoys have perished 
in Burma ■" ; including all who had from time to time gone 
away on medical certificate, the facilities for which were 
very great during the recent campaigns. These figures may 
be correct, but in our opinion they can scarcely be so. 

29 



450 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

With an army more tlian double the size of ours in the First 
War^ which lasted nearly two years, the grand total of Euro- 
pean officers killed and deceased amounted to sixty-five j native 
commissioned, non-commissioned rank and file, one thousand 
four hundred and twenty-nine; non-commissioned rank and 
file Europeans, three thousand one hundred and thirty-four ; 
and extra killed, deceased, and missing, four hundred and fifty. 
As has been observed elsewhere, the privations and sufferings 
of the troops during the First War were infinitely greater than 
M^hat were endured by us. Mortality throughout the recent 
campaigns was extremely variable in its character ; the Angel 
of Death continually shifting his quarters, and often abiding 
in those places where he was least expected. On one or two 
occasions he made a steady residence at Prome. After re- 
cording the deaths of Lieutenants Pilmer and Montgomery 
of H. M.'s 51st and 80th Regiments, we had to add to 
the list the names of Lieutenant-Colonel Coote, H. M.^s 18th 
Eoyal Irish, and Lieutenant Chisholm, 40th Bengal Native 
Infantry. The former gallant officer, it will be remembered, 
commanded the storming party at the attack on the Great 
Shwe Dagon Pagoda. The Queen^s regiments had certainly 
shared considerably in the mortality of the war. The Com- 
pany's regiments were more fortunate. Of the former we 
had no exact statistics ; but a tolerably accurate idea could be 
gained from what was written in the foregoing chapters. The 
Madras troops, on the whole, may be said to have suffered less 
than the Bengal. By the end of May last, out of one hundred 
and sixty European Bengal Artillerymen who came to Burma. 
at the commencement of the war, upwards of forty had died. 
Out of say two hundred and thirty European Madras Artillery- 
men, up to the same time, not more than the above number 
had died. The Bengal European Fusiliers* had been more 



* Captain Byng died en route from Toungoo to Shwe-gyeen. 



PART III. 451 

severely visited ttan the Madras. From the convenience of a 
frequent comnmnication between Rangoon and Calcutta^ the 
Bengal sepoys were enabled when sick and unfit for duty to visit 
their country in considerable numbers ; but notwithstanding 
this advantage we are not sure i£ their bill of mortality was less 
than the Madras. In the 5th Madras Native Infantry, which 
came to Rangoon from Kyouk Phyoo, in Arakan — a climate 
not particularly healthy — from June 1852 to June 1853 the 
deaths amounted to eighty-eight men. From June to August, 
at Toungoo, they had lost twenty-five — total one hundred and 
thirteen. Considering — as has been well remarked — that " all 
Eastern countries are at first unfavourable to the health of 
Europeans/' * and, it may be added, to that of native sepoys 
also, there was nothing very alarming in the aspect of the mor- 
tality among the troops in Rurma. Before drawing attention to 
some interesting tables kindly furnished us by the officer 
commanding the 1st Madras European Regiment of Fusiliers, 
it may be remarked that the first is to show the few casualties 
in the Fusiliers since the day of landing at Rangoon tm the 
end of August 1853, as compared with other European regi- 
ments in Burma. The second table is to show the salubrity 
of Toungoo from the few casualties in that corps — six in five 
months. The third table will interest those who make investi- 
gations into probable causes in producing certain effects, as it 
shows the quantity of arrack drank by four hundred and thirty- 
one men in five months at Toungoo. 

It was the opinion of Dr. Robertson of H. M.'s 13th Regi- 
ment — reputed as one of the best informed practitioners for 
Indian maladies — that during the siege of Jellalabad he had no 
sickness, and attributed it entirely to the impossibility of obtain- 
ing liquor. From this, by casting the eye over the table now 



* On the 22iid of April tlie service lost a very fine yottng officer, Lieutenant 
Harris, 19th M.N.I., of the Sappers, who died at Sittang. 

29 * 



452 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

presented,, perhaps an inference may he drawn from the few 
casualties at Toungoo, — amounting only to five men, (one of 
whom, the Quartermaster- Sergeant, died from apoplexy the day 
after arrival) — that as the liquor drank for five months at this 
station does not give on an average above half a dram to each 
man, the predisposition to infectious diseases, which always 
renders them more fatal where strong drinks are indulged in, 
had not been seen here. The Government allowance of liquor 
— two drams a-day when porter was not issued — was ample for 
the men ; and it appeared to be necessary to health in such a 
climate as Burma. Often did we hear the highly respectable 
sergeant say — " I could not get on, sir, without my dram ! " In 
the heavy monsoon the sentry is relieved from his duty in the 
morning ; he is wet, cold, and aching — a dram to him then is 
worth an ocean of physic. The sobriety of the men of the Fusi- 
liers — there is much to like in that word sobriety, it implies 
SELP-DENiAL, whcrcas Total Abstinence has no human grandeur 
about it — ^the sobriety of the Madras Fusiliers, we say, at 
Toungoo, had been the leading cause of so few casualties having 
occurred among them ; and the same might have been said of the 
company of Madras European Artillery under the charge of the 
writer of this narrative. As regarded the soldier-like appearance 
and general behaviour of the Company's European troops, they 
did not suffer by comparison with the best European troops 
in the world, in spite of some miserable calumnies, founded, 
as usual, on ignorance, brought at home against them. 

After writing the above, a most interesting document ap- 
peared, professing to be a list of officers who had either died, 
been killed, or wounded, or who had been compelled to leave 
Burma since the commencement of the war, up to the 12th 
of June 1853. Thus— 



PART III. 



463 



Killed 
and 
Dead. 



Wounded. 



s. c* 



Eoyal Navy . . 

Indian JSTavy and Bensjal Marine 

H. M.'s 18tli Eoyal Irish 

H. M.'s 5Ist K. b. L. I. 

H. M.'s 80tli Eegiment 

Staff .... 

Madras Artillery 

Bengal Artillery 

Bengal Engineers , 

Madras Engineers 

Bengal Fusiliers . 

Irregular Cavalry . 

5th Madras Native Infantry 

9th Madras Native Infantry 

19th Madras Native Infantry 

1st Madras Native Infantry 

35th Madras Native Infantry 

4th Sikhs 

40th Bengal Native Infantry 
67th Bengal Native Infantry 
49th Madras Native Infantry 



10 

4 
4 
8 
6 
4 
4 



68 



45 



7 

23 

1 



1 
1 
2 
3 
1 
1 
11 

1 

1 
1 



The Madras Fusiliers, of which corps a perfect statement is 
given in the subjoined table, had among officers 4 s. c. The 
above was a rather more numerous bill of mortality than 
we at first supposed, although the list was drawn out to the 
■utmost statistical length, some having been set down who 
did not die in Burma. It will be seen that the two most 
unfortunate regiments in point of officers, were the 51st 
Kings Own Light Infantry and the 35th Madras Native 
Infantry. 



* On Sick Certificate. 



454 



OTJE BURMESE WARS, 



I. — Madras Fusiliers. 





1 
3 




t 


1 


1 


} 


1 


i 

g 


1 
ft 


1 


1 


Strength, of Regiment on landing 
at Rangoon, 13th September 
1852 

Casualties by death up to 25th 
August 1853 .... 


1 


1 


9 
3 


15 


10 
2 


1 


3 

... 


48 

4 


20 


47 
5 


845 

57 



II. — Martaban Column. 





1 


1 


1 


1 




I 


1 


m 

I 


1 


j 


PM 


Detachment under Captain Geils, 
arrived at Toungoo, 22nd Feb- 
ruary 1853 .... 

Detachment under Captain Re- 
naud, arrived at Toungoo, 6th 
March 1853 .... 

Head-quarters under Major Hill, 
arrived at Toungoo, 24th April 
1853 

BrigadierWilliams's escort arrived 
12th March 1853 . 

Total . 

Casualties by death at head- 
quarters, up to 25th August 
1853 

Total . 




1 


1 
1 


2 
3 

4 


2 
1 


1 




5 

5 

11 

1 


2 

4 
5 


5 

13 

1 
1 


136 

158 

ill 

56 

28 




1 


2 


9 


6 

1 


1 




22 

1 


11 


20 


378 
4 




1 


2 


9 


5 


1 




21 


11 


20 


374 



PAET III. 



455 



ni. — Quantity of Arrack issued at Head-quarters during the Months 
specified below. 



Months, 


Aekack. 


i 


Average Consumption. 




m 


April 1853. 

May 

June „ 

July 

Aug. 25, „ 


410 
237 

224 
264 
201 


21 
11 

27 

24 


431 

430 
429 

428 
427 


Nearly IJth drams per man daily. 

7-lOths „ 
Less than 7-lOths „ „ 
Nearly 4-5ths „ 

„ 3-4ths „ „ „ 


Total . . 


1338 


83 


2145 


General average, 5-6ths dram per 
man daily. 



By an official memorandum from Simla, 16tli August 1864, 
His Excellency the Commander-in-Cliief directed that " com- 
manding officers will report on the results of the general order 
dated 21st June 1864, restricting the issue of spirits from can- 
teens to one dram per diem for each man." When these re- 
ports are compared, it may be found that the one dram only 
has some effect on the conduct, health, and saving propensities 
of the European soldier. Anyway, such a step shows the in- 
terest taken by His Excellency in the soldier-'s welfare in the 
East. In the garrison artillery battery at Rangoon (1864) we 
may say that every man, who was able, took his dram daily. 
Out of say sixty-four men, the generality of the gunners 
preferred arrack to porter, on account of their being able to 
get a dram for one anna, whereas two pints of porter cost 
three annas (fourpence half-penny). One dram and two 
pints of porter was the allowance for the soldier; and it 
used to be, as before remarked, two drams a day when porter 
was not issued. It is not good in Burma (so some doctors 
think) to drink much beer in the wet weather. In the writer^s 
battery, the men smoked a good deal, though not to excess ; 



456 OTJE BTJEMESB WAES. 

and, in five years in Burma, the average of mortality did not 
exceed one a year. 

The Campaign in Burma, 1853, 
At Toungoo, towards the end of September, a new Indian 
periodical* fell into our hands, evidently most ably conducted, 
and to which we wished every success. The July number con- 
tained a paper with the above title, from which a few useful 
notes may be culled, supplementary to information which has 
already appeared. 

In the beginning of January 1853, the British force in 
Burma under the command of General Godwin gave a body 
composed of — 

1 Troop of Horse Artillery. 

1 Light Field Battery. 

5 Companies of Foot Artillery. 

4 Companies of Sappers. 

2 Troops of Cavalry. 

5 Regiments of British Infantry. 
8 Regiments of Native Infantry. 

The above might, on the 1st of January 1853, be fairly 
reckoned as ten thousand men of all arms, who were scattered 
over the face of Pegu, from Prome to the sea. 

During the autumn of 1852 the want of carriage being much 
felt by the army, and it being necessary to provide against the 
necessity of an advance by land upon the capital, the Governor- 
General decided on despatching two hundred elephants by way 
of Assam and the borders of Arakan, which, entering the 
valley of the Irawady through the Toungoo Pass, should pro- 
ceed immediately to Prome and join the head-quarters of the 
army under General Godwin. With a small escort of sepoys 
under the command of Captain Baugh of the 26th Bengal 
Light Infantry, this enormous living column commenced its 

* " East India Army Magazine and Military Review." 



PAET III/ 457 

marcli. Tlie frontier line in the immediate vicinity of Arakan 
was held by the 68th Bengal Native Infantry and the Arakan 
BattaUon,, under the command of Major Maling and Captain 
Barry; and a strong detachment of H. M/s 18th Eoyal Irish 
and 4th Sikhs^ under command of Major Edwards^ marched 
from Prome to receive charge of the elephants and reinforce 
their escort whilst proceeding through the Toungoo Pass into 
Pegu. [Then follows a detailed account of Captain NuthalFs 
successful capture of the strong stockade of Nareghain^ or as a 
London critic expressively styles the feat, " the brilliant taking 
of the Aeng Pass/^ Captain Sutherland being left in command 
of the stockade so gallantly captured, aU fears regarding the 
safety of the elephants or their escort were at an end.] 



About seventy-five miles to the eastward of Bassein the 
Burmese had^ strongly intrenched themselves in a stockade 
which they had erected on the left bank of the Duggah creek, 
and had not only planted some small guns within their en- 
trenchments, but had staked the creek from bank to bank, with 
a view of preventing the possibility of an attack or approach by 
water. From this stockade bands of armed men would issue, 
eager for plunder and rapine, keeping the surrounding districts 
in a state of uneasiness and alarm, and ready to fall upon any 
detached parties of the British forces which might be escorting 
baggage or stores on the great lines of communication ; and 
Captain Fytche saw the necessity of dispersing and destroying 
them before he could hope to restore the confidence of the 
inhabitants or settle the district. On the 21st January, then, 
accompanied by Captain Eennie, at the head of eighty armed 
sailors, and four small guns under the charge of Lieutenant 
Manderson of the Bengal Artillery, Captain Fytche sailed in 
the " Nemesis '^ to meet the boats of the " Zenobia,^^ towing 
which the little steamer made its way up the Duggah Creek, 



458 OUB BURMESE WAES. 

[The adventures of this gallant body till the end of the month 
were of the most brilliant description.] On the termination 
of the gallant affair against the Minku^ the British sailors im- 
mediately returned to Laminah, worn out with fatigue^ but full 
of rejoicing at their success, which all parties united in mainly 
attributing to the gallantry and untiring energy of Captain 
Tytche. 



Regarding the Donabew disaster, the " Eeview " says — It 
would appear that Captain Loch, a truly gallant sailor, as- 
sumed improperly the command of the united force; an 
assumption which Major Minchin appears to have succumbed 
to, overlooking, or being ignorant of the rule, which assigns 
the command of a united force on land to the senior military 
officer, just as rigidly as it does to the naval officer at sea. 
[See also "Vegu," page 231. — Captain Loch died of his wounds 
6th February 1853. His remains were interred at Rangoon, 
beside young Doran, who fell on the 14th of April.] 



[We briefly narrated the insurrection at Beling in the Narra- 
tive C^'^Pegu^'),* and the doings of the gallant detachment of the 
1st Madras Native Infantry under Captain Wright and Ensign 
Newdick of that regiment.] It was then at once determined 
to recapture Beling. The Governor- General despatched four 
companies of the 2nd Bengal Europeans to occupy Maulmain, 
while a column advanced against Moung-Goung. Through the 
indefatigable exertions of the troops — men of the 49th and 1st 
Madras Native Infantry, a company of Bengal Fusiliers from 
Sittang, and a small detail of Madras Artillery — and the marked 
zeal of Colonel Bogle, Captain Berdmore, Majors HaU. and 
Gottreux, and others, Beling was recaptured,t and Captain 
Berdmore offered a reward of one thousand rupees for Moung- 
Goung. 

* Pp. 290-91. t 19th April 1853. 



PAET III. 

Meteorological Notice of Burma. 

April. — This is the hottest montli in the year. The ther- 
mometer ranges during the day from 90° to 95°, and the 
heat is very oppressive, especially during the latter part of 
the month, relieved, however, by a breeze from the south and 
south-west, which springs up about 10 o^ clock in the forenoon. 
Rain rarely falls in this month, although sometimes it does 
in small quantities. [At Toungoo, during this month, the 
thermometer in houses stood at 105°.] 

May. — During this month the monsoon changes, which 
usually takes place from the 15th to the end. The weather, 
tiU this happens, is similar to that experienced last month. 
Occasional showers and north- westers prevail during the latter 
part, at times attended with the most vivid lightning and loud 
thunder. Average faU. of rain during the month about fifteen 
inches. 

June. — This may be called the first month of the south-west 
monsoon. The heavy rains which fall now cool the air and 
encourage vegetation. Violent gusts of wind and heavy squalls, 
generally from the south, are frequent, commonly about the 
middle of the month. Average fall of rain forty inches. 

July. — This month is attended with very heavy rains and 
much wind; the weather is gloomy, stormy, and cool, whilst 
at intervals it is fair and mild, particularly from 4 to 7 in 
the afternoon ; with so much regularity does this occur, that 
during this and next month we can almost depend on twenty- 
three days to enjoy a fair afternoon. Average fall of rain from 
fifty to sixty inches, though seventy have been known to fall 
during the month. 

August. — The heaviest rains usually fall in this month. The 
weather is cool and pleasant but for the dampness, which is 
very destructive to clothes, books, &c. The wind blows strong 
and steady from the south-west quarter during the whole of 



460 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

the montli^ with few deviations from that point. Average fall 
of rain fifty-five inches. 

September. — The rains subside considerably towards the 
middle of the month; and from that to the first or second 
week of October the change of the monsoon usually takes 
placCj with its accompaniments of north- westers^ lightnings and 
thunder. Towards the end the winds are generally light 
and variable^ and the weather is cool. Average fall of rain 
thirty inches. 

October. — Showers fall occasionally to the middle of the 
month. Winds light and variable^ blowing from the north-east 
to the south ; lightning and thunder are frequent during the 
evenings and nights, and the weather is cool. During the 
latter part of the month the wind blows light from the north- 
east in the day, veering to the south in the evening. Average 
fall of rain five inches. 

November. — This is the first month of what is called the 
cold season. The days are hot, with scarcely any wind, but 
the nights are cool and agreeable. Towards the end a delight- 
ful breeze from the north springs up about 9 or 10 o'clock^ 
changing to the south-east during the night. Eain seldom, 
and then trifling in quantity. 

December. — This is the most pleasant month in the year. A 
refreshing breeze from the north springs up about 10 o'' clock, 
veering by the east to the south in the evening; mornings 
and evenings cold ; fogs frequent from 7 to 9 o'clock in the 
mornings, and towards the end of the month dense. No rain. 
Copied from the " Notice " in the Madras Artillery 
Hospital at Rangoon. 

Addendum. — With the exception of increased heat, what is 
said above of December is nearly apphcable to January and 
February. The month of March {ta-goo la in Burmese, la 
meaning month), for the most part very hot and sultry, with 
an occasional breeze for a short period, day and night. During 
this month and the next the Burmese hold a water feast, to hail 



PART III. 461 

a beneficial monsoon for their crops ; also another water feast 
in September, towards the end of the monsoon."^ 

Anecdotes op Donabew. 

When the manuscript of '' Pegu •'•' had been despatched to 
Europe for publication, the Author received another account of 
Sir John Cheapens operations against Myat-htoon from an 
officer engaged. This being the second authentic description 
from the scene of action, in addition to the Despatch^ the 
writer hoped to gather something more of interest for his 
readers. That he was not disappointed the following anecdotes 
of bravery will show : — 

An Afghan havildar of the 4th Sikhs, named Jezut Khan, 
behaved splendidly on the 17th. On the 11th some of his 
caste were killed and wounded when the enemy attacked our 
rear-guard. He then took an oath on his sword tl at he would 
kill a Burman with it or die; accordingly on the 17th he ad- 
vanced ahead of every one else, determined to be revenged. 
When he got about fifteen yards from the breastwork he re- 
ceived one shot in the hip and another in the arm, but this did 
not deter him in the least, and he still continued to push on. 
When he got almost within reach for the sacred sword to begin 
its work, he was shot right through the body ; and thus the 
brave Afghan fell ! [This anecdote has a special interest at 
the present time (Dec. 1879) .] 

On the 19th Sergeant-Major Fury of the 4th Sikhs behaved 
very gallantly. When we got within eighty yards of the 
deadly breastwork, and some men did not move forward with 
that alacrity he thought desirable, he became almost frantic 
with rage. To use the graphic language of the narrator, " he 

* According to Lieutenant Chase ("Burmese Hand-Book"), the true epocli 
of Burman time is the annihilation of G-autama, 540 years before Christ. 
Time is measured by lunar months, 12 of which make a common year, and 
every third year admits an intercalar month of 30 days. A month is distin- 
guished into two parts, the waxing and the wane. The full moon falls on the 
15th of the waxing, the change on the 14th or 15th of the wane. 



462 OUE BUEMBSB WARS. 

began kicking and striking Europeans and Natives right and 
left^ to make them go on ; and whilst thus engaged he was 
shot dead,, with three bullets through him." 

Whatever people may say to the contrary, incidents such as 
these are always found in the realities of war ; and there is no 
satisfactory way of accounting for them.* 

The late Duke of Wellington on the Second 
Burmese War. 

Everything from the pen of the late illustrious Duke of 
Wellington is of interest to the British nation. The inde- 
fatigable Earl of Ellenborough had asked the Government for 
the production of a Despatch written twenty-eight years ago, 
which embodied the Duke^s opinion regarding the First Bur- 
mese War. His Lordship, it is well known, had evinced a 
decided hostility to the cause and prosecution of the present 
war. The result of his demand was an answer from Lord 
Aberdeen, and a justification from Lord Derby. The latter 
was supported by the opinion of the Duke on the present war, 
which, '^ as one of the last public productions of His Grace, is 
worthy of perusal and record,-"^ — and which the Author felt the 
necessity of inserting as a lasting ornament to his Narrative. 

Earl Derby said — '' I am sure your Lordships will not think 
I am trespassing on your patience if I read to the House this 
memorandum by the noble and gallant Duke, and which only 
his death has prevented us receiving from his own mouth : — 

"^It appears to me,' he says, '^that the war could not be 
averted ; that the operations fixed upon were judicious ; have 
been ably carried into execution, and with great gallantry, by 

* In jxmgle and stockade warfare particularly, it has occasionally (thongh. 
very seldom) been found difficult to make young British troops advance on an 
enemy with the often desirable impetuosity; and, perhaps, this is an argument 
in favour of not employing too young and inexperienced soldiers on such service. 
The great Duke thought young cavalry more liable to panic than young in- 
fantry; and also that the bravest soldiers maybe "terrified" in a peculiar 
state of action. 



PART III. 463 

the Officers and troops ; and tliat a commencement has been 
made to require from, and enable the Government to consider 
of the means to be adopted for the restoration of peace^ and the 
terms on which peace should be restored. I concur with the 
Governor-Greneral in thinking it will be absolutely necessary 
to retain possession of all that has fallen into the hands of the 
British troops — that is_, Rangoon^ Martaban, and even Bassein_, 
PegU; and the whole province so- called. My opinion is that 
it will be necessary to continue the preparations for carrying 
on the operations of the war till the Sovereign of Ava shall 
be convinced of the necessity of signing a treaty^ by the pro- 
visions of which all these dominions will be ceded to the 
British Government^ or till the State of Ava shall be destroyed. 
A mere military possession of these districts would be but an 
inglorious and little secure result of these successful operations. 
I confess that I am inclined to expect that the means adopted 
to cut off from Ava the supplies of corn usually received by 
imports from sea, will have the effect of producing efforts 
to obtain peace by negotiation ; but if not, the British Go- 
vernment ought to be in a state of military preparation to 
advance upon Ava_, — to enforce the abandonment of the capital^ 
and even of Amarapura. It may be relied upon that the 
natives of the East are not better prepared than we are to 
abandon their dwellings in the winter, and to live in the jungles 
and mountains. The Government suspected of intending to 
take such a course would be abandoned by all its followers. 
At all events, the military possession and tenure of provinces 
and possessions upon the sea-coast would be considered in a 
very different light, the Government of Ava being there seated 
in strength, as under existing circumstances j or being driven 
out and weakened towards Amarapura, or farther on in the 
mountains, as is supposed in the printed papers. I conceive, 
therefore, that it will be necessary to assemble the large force 
proposed, even though it should be determined to insist upon 
the cession of all the maritime possessions of the State of Ava. 



464 OUE BUEMESE WARS. 

These must be ceded by tbe stipulations of a treaty of peace, 
or tbe State must be destroyed. If, after all, tbe Sove- 
reign should treat for peace in order to save his State, he 
must be made to pay the expenses of the war. The neces- 
sity for providing specially for the security of the people 
of Pegu, discussed in the Minutes of the Members of the 
Council, appears to me to be disposed of; but it may be 
relied upon that the point will have much effect in both Houses 
of Parliament. It appears to me that the people of Pegu have 
already, by their conduct, acquired the right to claim protection 
by stipulation of treaty, if the province should be restored to 
the Government of Ava, however objectionable all such pro- 
visions of treaties, as leading to, and rendering necessary, 
interference in the internal affairs of a foreign nation. The 
demand of the cession would certainly be preferable to resto- 
ration, with a stipulation of amnesty to the people of Pegu, of 
which it would be necessary for the British Government to 
enforce the execution.' " — March 5, 1853. 

Cost of the War. 

Next to the expenditure of human life in a war, ranks the 
expenditure of treasure. This latter, in an age filled with rash 
" economists and calculators,'' had apparently been much over- 
rated. Even two million pounds sterling was not too great a 
price to pay for the advantages gained by the annexation of 
Pegu. But nine hundred and twenty thousand pounds only 
was said to be a ^' close approximation " to the cost of the war 
for seventeen months. Among the items, of course the Com- 
missariat charges were the principal, or two hundred and fifty 
thousand pounds. In round numbers the expense of the war, 
therefore, was little over six hundred and fifty thousand pounds 
a year. We thought, however, the entire cost might be safely 
put down at two millions. [Eventually, we heard it did not 
exceed three.] 



PABT TTT. 465 

Meaday, 

Meaday, signifying in the Burmese language " very rich/^ 
was nearly deserted on our occupation of it, there being 
scarcely a house in the whole place in a fit condition for 
quartering troops. There were but few inhabitants and a very 
inferior bazaar. The space occupied by the villagers was outside 
the south gate; extending one hundred yards in length and 
breadth ; all beyond this was inundated during the monsoon, 
and cultivated in the dry season. " Our frontier station/^ 
wrote Lieutenants Bridge and Lloyd in their Report, " is about 
fifteen feet above the highest rise of the river, surrounded by 
a stockade, forming an island in the height of the monsoon. 
Our present position extends from the south gate to the breast- 
work marked C on the ' Plan of the Stockade of Meaday ,^"^ 
but will be extended on the arrival of more troops. This has 
proved to be one of our healthiest stations, only six deaths 
having occurred from the end of January to the end of June, 
out of a force of nearly five hundred men. The heat is ex- 
cessive during the months of March, April, and May, the 
thermometer averaging from 104° to 111° in the houses." 

By a Government Notification of the 5th May 1853, Mr. 
E. O^Biley was appointed Assistant Commissioner at Toungoo, 
under the Commissioner of Pegu. 

* " Pegu," p. 237. 



30 



OUE BURMESE WAES. 



PART IV, 



BbfOEE and AfTETJ the RESIDETiTT's DEPARTURE. • 

" Meanwhile lie drew wise morals from his play, 
And in these solemn periods stalked away ! " 

Old Epilogue. 

After all that Mi'. St. Barbe had borne and suffered at Mandalay, 
we can easily imagine him muttering to himself a couplet like the 
above as he went quietly and pensively on board the steamer which 
was to cari-y him to our frontier station of Thayetmyo. There 
could be little doubt that the day our Resident left the capital 
would be like that on which may yet be sounded the death- 
knell of Upper Burma's independence — an event, if not yet at 
hand, one which cannot be much longer delayed in the interests 
of humanity, commerce, and civilisation ! The King and his 
advisers had been fairly weighed in the balances, and sadly found 
wanting ; but now we must look on what is past as clouds of insig- 
nificant result in the prospect so " bright and advancing." After 
the Resident's dej^arture, some interesting particulars were pub- 
lished. Even Major Halstead, on this occasion, could be "the 
last man" no longer. 



PAET IV. 467 



"Thayetmyo, Sunday, October 12. 

"The following is the true account of the withdrawal of our 
Mission from Mandalay : — 

" Early on the morning of the 6th instant the Eesident sent 
round a peon with the following circular to the various British 
residents : — 

"'October 6th. — The Government of India have decided to 
remove for the present their representative and establishment. 
They hope, however, that the temporary absence of a British officer 
from the capital will in no way affect the friendly relations at 
present existing between the two Governments. 

" ' It is my duty, however, to apprise you of my intentions, and 
to advertise them publicly as speedily as possible. I am proceed- 
ing at once on board the " Panthay," leaving my baggage to 
follow. 

" ' Should you consider it necessary to adopt similar measures, 
you will arrive at the wharf almost as soon as ourselves. In any 
case the steamer will be detained a sufficient time to admit of your 
communicating your resolve.' 

"At the Residency no packing was allowed, lest an alarm should 
be given. The circulars sent out, the Staff proceeded to the 
steamer, and the peon returning from delivering the circulars 
found the Residency closed and the Burmese in possession. 

" These would not permit the baggage to be removed without 
orders from the King. 

"Some hours afterwards a courteous letter was received allowing 
the removal of the baggage. 

" Upon the receipt of the circular the European residents and 
British subjects hurried down to the wharf as fast as possible ; 
even Major Halstead, the only man who remained behind during 
the troubles in Major Sladen's time, left on this occasion. 

" Andriano, who is flotilla agent and Italian Consul, remained, as 
he considered that there was no danger. 

" Commercial affairs, as might be imagined, are completely upset 
by this sudden move. Ti-aders refuse to undertake the delivery 
of imports, and a feverish anxiety prevails all down the river to 
get goods for export away safely. 

" At Mandalay all is quiet. The Ministers believe that a new 
Resident will be appointed directly, and they are showing their 

30 * 



468 OUE BURMESE WAU^. 

confidence in peace by sending some of their steamers down to 
Rangoon ; others are to follow in a few days. 

" Two of the flotilla steamers left Mandalay on the 7th. Two 
others, which were on their way up, turned back on receiving the 
news. 

" All arrived safely at Thayetmyo yesterday. 

" Confidence is, however, rapidly returning, and three of the 
flotilla steamers are leaving Thayetmyo to-day for Mandalay. 

" The American missionaries have remained at Bhamo. Shonld 
hostilities occur they pur^^ose seeking safety in China. 

" Before the ' Panthay ' arrived at Menhla a slight disturbance 
occurred. The Burmese ofiicials boarded the steamer and insisted 
upon arresting some Burmese British subjects who were coming 
down from Mandalay. 

" The Eesident interfered energetically, and the guard of Ma- 
drasees stood to their arms. 

" Finally the Burmese officials gave way, and the ' Panthay ' pro- 
ceeded down the river. 

'* The Resident has reported to the Government that the King 
has summoned men from every village to proceed to Mandalay to 
protect it. 

" Although there were numerous passengers proceeding to Man- 
dalay by the steamers which were stopped on their way up and 
returned to Thayetmyo, none of them go up by the steamer which 
leaves to-day for Ma,ndalay, but all return in the boats for Rangoon." 
— By telegraph, from the " Standard's " Special Correspondent. 

Following up the telegraphic account given the previous day, the 
" Standard " of the 14th of October had an excellent leader on the 
withdrawal of our Resident, and the probable results ; but we are 
afraid, when the writer talks of the chances of war having become 
" remote," he is over- sanguine, and has coloured the peaceful picture 
too highly. We may not have war ; but something must be done to 
change the government of Upper Burma, in order to promote peace 
and commerce in Lower ! The following extract from the article 
in question is most interesting at the present time : — 

" On the whole it is diffi-^ult to conceive how a British Residency 
in a semi- civilised country, governed by an impetuous and blood- 
thirsty young autocrat like Theebau, could have been withdrawn 
with less friction. 

" The departure of Mr. St. Barbe will, of course, have a serions 



PART IV. 469 

efEect upon the trade wMch usually flows between British and Upper 
Burma. Six months ago the merchants of Eangoon were vaguely 
calling upon the Government of India to do something because 
their import trade was almost at a standstill, and articles of com- 
merce were coming slowly from Upper Burma. The local Chamber 
of Commerce prepared a statement for the consideration of the 
authorities, showing that Eangoon traders were suffering at the 
rate of some millions a year. Now that something like a crisis 
has actually occurred in the relations between the Government of 
India and the Government of Independent Burma, business will 
become worse than ever. The cotton, teak, dye, and rice trade, 
which, under ordinary circumstances, flows briskly along the Ira- 
wady, will be paralysed under the influence of two beliefs — one, 
that there will be no security for British goods sent into Upper 
Burma; and the other, that articles despatched from Upper Burma 
will neither be purchased nor paid for in Lower Burma. This 
injury to a trade which has made Pegu one of the most thriving 
countries under the Government of India^ and transformed Eangoon 
from an unimportant mart into one of the most rising ports in the 
East, is to be regretted, but it is certain to be only of temporary 
duration." 

Of course it would be wrong to credit all we hear from 
Mandalay ; but, judging from the antecedents of the Golden Foot, 
the following royal act, after the Eesident's departure, has a 
decided stamp of truth about it : — King Theebau telegraphed to 
the Chief Commissioner "sarcastically" ("Daily News" corre- 
spondent), stating he was sorry that the British Agent left so 
precipitately, as there was no chance of sending an officer of rank 
to escort him to the steamer! The force of political etiquette 
could surely no farther go. A telegram of the I4th, from Thayet- 
myo announced that a special boat from Menhla — some forty miles 
above the former station, and also on the right bank of the river — 
brought the report that large bodies of armed men were massing 
there. The Governor, however, who was "friendly," said that the 
flotilla steamer would be free from molestation. Of course we 
must conciliate the King's subjects on the frontier as much as 
possible. It is hardly to be believed that even King Theebau pro- 
jects any attack on British territory — which would at once force on 
a war — especially when he has heard of General Eoberts' sj)lendid 
and successful march on Cabul ! But, at any time, an insane fit 



470 OUR BURMESE WARS. 

on the part of the Golden Foot may make him the aggressor, and 
force us iiito speedy action ; so the only way is to keep on adopting 
the Napierean motto of Ready — ate Eeadt ! — 16th October, 
1879. 

Eulogy on Me. Shaw. 

" In reply to the despatch of the Government of India reporting 
the death of Mr. Shaw, acting Political Resident at Mandalay, the 
Secretary of State makes the following remarks : — ' I have received 
this intelligence with great regret. Mr. Shaw had on various occa- 
sions rendered good service to the Government of India. His 
recent conduct of affairs at Mandalay was marked by coolness and 
sound judgment, and, had he survived, would have entitled him to 
high commendation. The loss of an officer of so much promise is 
the more to be dex:)lored as the knowledge and experience he had 
acquired would have been of essential value in Upper Burma.' " — 
" AUen's Indian Mail," October 27th, 1879. 

An Envoy from Mandalay to the Viceroy. 

At the end of October the most important news from Mandalay 
was that a Woondouk (Minister or Secretary of State) had been sent 
as an envoy to the Viceroy. The Deputy Commissioner of Thayet- 
myo had received orders to detain him and question him as to his 
mission. The envoy was detained by orders of the Chief Commis- 
sioner, pending the receijjt of further orders from the Viceroy. 
Despatches from Thayetmyo, received by the " Standard " early in 
November, stated that the object of the mission sent by the King 
of Burma to the Viceroy was understood to be to re-establish 
diplomatic relations with England. The Embassy was still de- 
tained pending the sanction of the Chief Commissioner to their 
going on, and the King was said to be much irritated at their 
detention. A European lady had been permitted to have an inter- 
view with the King, who stated that, if attacked, he should defend 
his frontier, but that if beaten he would offer no further defence. 
He thought the English too impatient in their demand for a re- 
vision of the treaty with his father, and said that he would never 
yield to the claim that he should dispense with the ceremony of 
taking off shoes on entering his presence. 

News had reached Rangoon from Mandalay that the King had 



PART IV. 471 

arranged that as soon as war was declared, Rangoon sliould "be 
burnt down by bis emissaries, wbo were also to receive 500 rs. 
" for eacb member of tbe rojal family killed on the occasion." His 
Majesty was most anxious "tbat this kind service might be ren- 
dered to one of tbe princes, wbo, in tbe days of bis cbildbood, 
dared to box bis royal ears in somecbildisb squabble," tbe memory 
of wbicb still rankled in his royal breast. It was also aflfirmed 
that tbe Mandalay royal lotteries had been attended with tbe loss 
of not a few lives. 

The Customs Officebs. 

Towards the end of October, the Irawady flotilla continued to 
enter Burma ; but the attitude of the Governor of Menbla towards 
the British preventive oflScers was by no means satisfactory. He 
strongly objected to their accomjianying steamers ; but as their 
right to accompany them is distinctly guaranteed by treaty, his 
objection, it was said, would not be regarded, and ample compensa- 
tion would be demanded " in case of any insult or oui,rage to pre- 
ventive officers." This difficulty alone was thought to " keep the 
door open " for hostilities. Another despatch from Eangoon said 
tbat the question of the customs officers in the flotilla was becom- 
ing serious ; and the local G-overnment was determined to send 
them up. Then, at the same time, the Burmese Premier had tele- 
graphed, expressing his satisfaction at the continuance of steamer 
communication ! Mandalay was quiet ; the Eesidency was occu- 
pied by a Burmese Prince ; and the Church compound by Phon- 
gyees. A Rangoon-Chinese firm had received orders from its 
Mandalay Agent to send up goods. 

The Ntoxtng-Tan Peince. — The Chuech at Ma-kdalat. 

An opinion was entertained at Eangoon that, in the event of a 
campaign, it would be rendered easier if, on the declaration of 
hostilities, Nyoung-Yan (or Nyoungyan) were publicly recognised 
as the British nominee, and received with royal honours, while a 
proclamation was issued placing him on the Burmese throne. This 
was thought by some to be preferable to annexation ; but, as before 
remarked, we must, in some fashion or other — to secure the peace 
of British Burma — reign supreme at Mandalay. Great regret was 
expressed at the abandonment of the splendid church there. It 



472 OtJE BtJRMESE WARS. 

was built for the zealous missionary, Dr. Marks, by the late King, 
" but no option was left to the Eev. Mr. Colbeck." He found it 
impossible to save the font presented to the church by Her 
Majesty the Queen. There was a rumour that the church had been 
burnt to the ground ; but it was said that respect for his father 
would induce even King Theebau " to spare the sacred building," 
It would probably be made into a Burmese monastery, or Kyoung. 

Eev. Mr. Colbeck and the Burmese Ladies. 

In noticing the withdrawal of our Eesident from Mandalay, it 
should have been mentioned that the party consisted of Mr. St. Barbe, 
Dr. Ferris, and the Rev. Mr. Colbeck. We also read in " Allen " 
the pleasing and noble fact that two ladies of rank belonging, to 
the palace, who " had owed their previous mimunity from massacre 
to Mr. Colbeck's humanity, were safely embarked on board the 
steamer." 

Trade of British Burma (1878-79). 

" The annual trade and navigation returns for British Burma 
exhibit a very satisfactory increase. The large extension of trade 
carried on by private persons is especially referred to by the local 
Administration, who point with satisfaction to the legitimate de- 
mand which prevails both for the produce of the country and for 
goods imported, the improved condition of the people enabling 
them to purchase readily and at rates fairly remunerative to those 
engaged in the trade. We are told that, although the exports to 
Upper Burma, at one per cent, duty, show an increase in value 
rather than a decrease, yet the trade would have been much 
greater if the country had been more settled. In June 1878 the 
King actively interfered with both the import and export trade, 
and the dealers in imports declined to buy largely, while the ex- 
ports of grain and pulses were practically prohibited, because the 
customs farmer demanded an extra five per cent, duty on this pro- 
duce. In August, His Majesty purchased large quantities of 
piece-goods, and gave them to his soldiers as pay. These goods 
were re-sold in the Mandalay bazaar at any prices they would 
fetch, thus seriously interfering with the usual retail trade. Towards 
the end of September the rumoured death of the King, Moung 



PAET IV. 478 

LoD (Mengdon), caused considerable excitement; the native mer- 
chants ceased shipping, and many who held stocks in Mandalay 
and in other towns beyond the frontier brought them back to Ran- 
goon. After King Theebau had been proclaimed successor to his 
father, business improved, and continued brisk until the middle 
of February, when the reports which reached Rangoon in regard 
to the massacre of his relatives by the" new King almost put a 
stop to purchases for Upper Burma, and there was no revival 
of trade up to the close of the year. The result of this was 
that the stocks of cotton, silk, and woollen goods in bond on 
March 31, 1879, were much in excess of the stocks on the same 
date in 1878. The imports from Bombay were valued at 8,22,849 rs.; 
from Bengal, 1,78,08,191 rs. ; and from Madras 25,85,827 rs." 

It was generally considered in Rangoon (October 19th) that the 
"rupture of diplomatic relations" between the British and Bur- 
mese Grovernments had given a severe shock to trade ; and it was 
confidently affirmed that trade could never recover a really healthy 
condition until confidence was restored by a fresh treaty, pro- 
perly enforced or guaranteed, or by a successful campaign. 
Early hostilities were considered by some as inevitable ; but 
others held that they would be staved off as long as possible, as 
the G-overnment of India was averse to war. 



THE "MANDALAY GAZETTE.^^ 

Despatch from the Viceroy. 

To furnish intelligence regarding the Burmese Mission, to the 
latest date, the Author deems it advisable to add the follow- 
ing information from two of the London daily journals — the 
'^ Daily News" and " Standard '^ of the 11th and 8th De- 
cember respectively. The former's correspondent, writing from 
Rangoon, November 9, gives important notes regarding the 
" Mandalay Gazette," evidently the " Court Journal " of Upper 
Burma. 

No one had yet seen King Theebau's letter to the Viceroy; 
but the terms of it were understood to be embodied in an article 



474 OUR BURMESE WAES. 

in this amusing specimen of Mandalay periodical literature. 
The " Gazette " is described as " a wonderful paper," full of 
^' announcements of extraordinary dreams and portents and 
queer superstitions." Everything good proceeds from '^ the 
Majesty of the Ruler of Land and Sea, and proves his power 
not only over Upper Burma, but over the province of Pegu 
and the ' dismal swamps by the sea/ as the Bur mans style our 
territories." Leaders are unknown in the " Gazette/' except 
" when dictated by a Minister, as no doubt the follow- 
ing article was. It appeared in the issue of October 13, 
Thadingyart, waning moon, 1241 " : — 

" The Political Agent in charge of the British Eesidency at the 
Golden City, considering it improper to continue in the place, and 
being about to leave, wrote to the Burmese authorities on the 6th 
October 1879, informing them of the same, and, immediately 
after sending the letter, left with three other officers and the 
Eesidency guard; also calling away a number of British regis- 
tered subjects. Considering that nothing strange had occurred, 
and whilst the Burmese and British Governments continued on 
friendly terms, and no single instance of a breach of the Treaty 
conditions had taken place, to write, simply stating that it was 
thought improper to stay any longer in the Golden City, and then 
all of a sudden and at once to depart, like one who, seeing and 
fearing danger, leaves to avoid it, so hurriedly as the British 
officers have done, is a matter for wonder to all who have heard 
of it. The merchants, traders, and people generally of the two 
countries, seeing and knowing the manner in which the British 
officers acted, making matters out to be more serious than they 
are, by their hurried and sudden retreat, naturally ascribed it to 
various causes, resulting in the stoppage of trade and damage 
and ruin to traders. The Burmese authorities have always acted 
with the view to maintain friendly relations between the two 
countries, and were watchful that all they did should be in ac- 
cordance with the terms of the Treaty. But the very sudden 
and hurried retreat of the British officers caused a serious panic ; 
the people became uneasy, and imagined all sorts of things, re- 
sulting in the stoppage of trade and the consequent damage and 
ruin to business. The time having arrived when the Government 



PAET IV. 476 

stonld protect and care for its people, it became necessary, in 
order to revive trade and to encourage traders to continue their 
business in an easy state of mind, and also to allow them to travel 
about freely and quietly, for the Government to nominate coura- 
geous and able Ministers of high rank to proceed to and protect 
and watch the towna of Melloon, Menhla, Tounghoo, Tameethen, 
the villages of Mobyai, Buigon, and other frontier towns and 
stations. When the Bi'itish officers were leaving they also sent a 
letter asking the Burmese authorities to protect and take care of 
all goods, persons, and things (British property) in Mandalay. To 
enable the Burmese authorities to comply with said request a 
letter was sent back asking for a list of the property to be taken 
care of, to which, however, no answer was received, the officers 
leaving in the steamer suddenly. Nevertheless, the Burmese 
Government have with a noble heart caused all British subjects 
who are left behind in Mandalay, together with the goods and 
property, animate and inanimate, to be properly cared for and 
protected. The proceeding which has caused merchants, traders, 
and people generally to entertain imaginary fears, and in conse- 
quence uneasiness of mind, stoppage of and damage to trade, 
the stoppage in the movements of the people of the two king- 
doms, the necessity on the part of the Burmese Government to 
nominate officers to watch and protect the frontier stations, the 
unsettled state of British subjects who are removed from one place 
to another, and the sufferings generally of everybody, are attribut- 
able to the action of the British Government only." 

If this production does not "out-Herod Herodj" nothing 
could ever do so. Such a last phase in King Theebau^s pro- 
gress — even if it be only partly authentic — gives the finishing 
touch to our knowledge of the present Golden Foot's shifting 
diplomatic character ! 

By telegram, dated Thayetmyo, 7th December, the " Stan- 
dard's " Special Correspondent wrote : — 

" The Burmese Embassy, which has for some time been de- 
tained here, awaiting permission from the Indian authorities to 
proceed, has received a commimication from the Viceroy through 
the Chief Commissioner to the following effect : — 

" The Viceroy states that he is seriously dissatisfied with the 



476 OUE BURMESE WARS. 

position and treatment of our Resident lately at the Burmese 
Court ; such treatment being altogether inconsistent alike with the 
professions of friendship of the Burmese Government and with 
ordinary diplomatic courtesy. 

"It appears, then, altogether incongruous and premature for 
the King to send a complimentary mission, or for him to assume 
that it can be received in a friendly or honourable manner by the 
Grovernment whose representative has been treated with habitual 
discourtesy at Mandalay. 

" During the past twelve months the Resident has lost no occa- 
sion of placing fully before the Ministers of the King the views 
and wishes of the British Government upon various questions, 
particularly with regard to the diplomatic privileges to which he 
is entitled, and to the proper accommodation which should be 
afforded him at the capital. 

" Since, then, the Embassy has not come with authority to pro- 
pose anything likely to be acceptable in regard to these matters, 
or to the other points at issue, nothing would be gained by the 
Mission proceeding onward, 

"If the Ambassador sees fit to refer to the Court for additional 
instructions, and in the event of his disclosing hereafter an in- 
tention to make substantial overtures, the Chief Commissioner 
will be authorised by the Government of India to receive and 
deal with such communications, otherwise the Ambassador cannot 
be received. 

" The Embassy is now awaiting instructions from Mandalay." 

At this uncertain stage of our relations with Burma, it is 
pleasing to notice an increasing British interest taken in Bur- 
mese affairs^ which,, with the remarks of the Press^ will no 
doubt gain fur them the importance they deserve. Regarding 
our policy in Central Asia^ we cannot help being of opinion 
that it has been^ in many respects, suited to " a commanding 
Asiatic Power " ; and among what has been well styled the 
'' collateral aspects of the revolt of Cabul/^ affairs on our South- 
Eastern Frontier, and the " undisguised hostility of the Bud- 
dhist Burmese " — it would be more correct to say of a portion 
of the King's Court at Mandalay, where there are some shrewd 
old woons (ministers) who keep King Theebau from actual 



PART IV. 477 

aggression — ^have been prominently brought forward. Donbt- 
lessj we shall look to the smallest causes of our anxiety^ and be 
prepared for all contingencies. Meanwhile we must keep up a 
fixed attention on Eastern Asia. Cabul and Mandalay form 
the diamond and the ruby of our present Eastern policy _, the 
lustre of which is to guide the fine old ship safe into port. 
Executions, we read^ have been continued in the palace of 
King Theebau, and five unfortunate Princesses are reported to 
have been recently murdered for corresponding with Prince 
Nyoungyan, If such be true^ Humanity— to say nothing of 
discourtesy to our Resident^ and an injured Commerce, brought 
about by the chronic insolence of a next-door neighbour — 
should rise and thunder for British rule or protection in Upper 
Burma ! 

December 26, 1879. 



479 



INDEX 



Aeng stockade surprised by 
Captain Nuthall, 302; Pass, 
444. 

Alexander (Captain) commands 
flotilla, 41. 

Allan (Captain) wounded, 116. 

Alompra, captured Ava, 8 ; 
founded Burmese empire, 8 ; 
in reign of, first political rela- 
tions -with British Govern- 
ment, 8 ; i 
death of, 9. 

Amherst (Lord) , G-overnor- Gene- 
ral, 1823, 12 ; declares war 
against Burma, 12. 

Andaman islanders, 338, 339. 

Anderson's (Dr.) " Mandalay 
to Momien," 353. 

Annexation and non- annexation, 
416 ; annexation of Pegu, 
252. 

Ansley, Lieutenant, 144. 

Anstruther, Colonel, 215. 

Arakan, Portuguese settlers here, 
A.D. 1600, 6 ; recent account 
of, 444. 

Archibald, Lieutenant, 36. 

Armstrong (Ensign) mortally 
wounded, 110. 



Armstrong, Captain, 262. 
Armstrong, Major, 261, 269. 
Arrack issued to troops, April — 

August 1853, 453. 
Ashe, Lieutenant, 128, 261, 270. 
Assam, invaded by Meer Joomla, 

6 ; by King of Ava, 11 ; 

ceded to the British, 15; 

Mandalay easily threatened 

from, 75. 
Austen (Admiral) arrives in 

Eangoon river, 102; death of, 

196. 
Ava, British march on, Decem- 
ber 1825, 52; situation of, 74; 

an advance to, 445. 

Back (Major) in command of 
artillery, 116, 127. 

Bamo (or Manmo), situation of, 
368. 

Bandoola (Maha). — Burmese 
commander, 30 ; defeated by 
Sir A. Campbell, 31 ; total 
defeat at Kemmindine, 39; 
at Kokeen, 39 ; killed at 
Donabew, 43, 44, 436 ; sum- 
mary of his character, 44; 
Major Snodgrass' account, 



480 



INDEX. 



47 ; compared with Charles 
XII., 46. 

Bandoola, Junior, 172 ; deli- 
vered himself up, 201. 

Banks (Major) with Lord Dal- 
housie at Rangoon, 175 ; 
death of, 175 (note). 

Bassein, capture of, 141-14 i; 
official notification of capture, 
144 ; river of, 347. 

Beantfleur, Dr., 229. 

Becher, Captain A., 206. 

Bengal attacked by Portuguese 
settlers, 1610, 6. 

Bernadotte, King of Sweden, 
served in India, 99. 

Binny, Captain, 39. 

Birrell (Mr.) at Eangoon, 83. 

Blair, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 

Blockade of Eangoon in Second 
War, 88. 

Blundell (Captain) mortally 
wounded, 116. 

Bogle (Colonel), Commissioner 
of Tenasserini j)rovinces, 93, 
107 ; wounded, 116. 

Boileau (Ensign) killed in ac- 
tion, 268. 

Bowen (Colonel) repulsed, 21. 

Brett, Major, 206 (note). 

Brisbane (Sir James) in com- 
mand of flotilla in First War, 
76. 

Broadfoot, Major, 299 (note). 

Brodie, Lieutenant-Colonel, 37. 

Brooking (Commander), cool 
courage of, 108 ; service in 
Irawady, 162. 

Browne (Colonel Horace) Eesi- 
dent at Mandalay, 406. 

Brown, Lieutenant P. A., 225. 

Burma. — British forces in, 1st 
July 1879, 429 ; campaign of 
1863, 466 ; condition in 
1854-55, 320-25 ; correct spell- 
ing of the name, 17 ; difficul- 
ties in subduing, 289 ; 
diseases in, 338 ; events (sum- 
mary of), 1826-1879, 374; 



fauna, flora, and minerals, 309 
(note) ; financial statement 
respecting, 314, 315 ; trade 
of British, 1878-79, 472: geo- 
graphical description of, 447 ; 
meteorological notice of, 459 ; 
minerals in, 370-409 ; papers 
on, 318, Part IV. ; population 
and health in, 328 ; position 
of principal towns, 260 (note) ; 
rainfall in, 1879, 409 ; routes 
to China, 362 ; sparseness of 
population in, 342 ; trade 
with Europe opened, seven- 
teenth century, 3 ; Upper, 
value of, 369 ; writer's resi- 
ivince in, 319 and note. 

Burmese, empire founaed by 
Alompra, 8 ; costume, 189 ; 
Envoy to the Viceroy, 470 ; 
feast, 191 ; funeral, 156 ; 
games, 164; general orders, 
437, 438 ; mode of putting 
royalty to death, 328; royal 
family of, 425 ; sobriety of 
the, 338; wars with, first 
war, 12, 19 ; concluded, treaty 
of peace, 66-59 ; Burmese 
account of, 60; mortality 
among the troops, 449 ; 
second war, 81 ; mortality 
among the troops, 449 ; cost 
of, 288, 464 ; Duke of Wel- 
lington on, 462. 

Burney (Eev. Mr.), Chaplain at 
Eangoon, 163, 285. 

Burney (Major), Envoy at Ava, 
377. 

Campbell's (G-eneral Sir Archi- 
bald) expedition to Eangoon, 
22 ; capture of Eangoon, 23 ; 
success at Kemmindine, 27 ; 
victory over Bandoola, 32 ; 
despatch of, 31-40 ; storms 
Kokeen, 39 ; march on Do- 
nabew, 41 ; advance on Prome, 
49, 435; cost of expedition, 
287 ; criticisms on, 304, 



INDEX. 



481 



Campbell and God.win(Generals) 
compared, 304-308. 

Campbell, Lieutenant, 230. 

Canning's (Eight Hon. G-eorge) 
policy, 61. 

Carter (Lieutenant) wounded, 
144. 

Cassay Horse at Pegu, 227, 229, 
239, 241, 243, 244. 

Chads, Captain, R.N., 35 ; cap- 
ture of war-boats, 40. 

Charles XII. compared with 
Bandoola, 46. 

Cheape, Ceneral Sir John, 194, 
256 (note) ; operations against 
Myat-htoon, 257, 461; force 
commanded by, 261 ; at Hen- 
zada, 262. 

Cheape's (Sir John) comp^ ':e 
triumph, 271 ; criticisms on, 
274 ; divisional command, 366. 

" Cholera camps " check the 
disease, 406. 

Clarke (Lieutenant) wounded, 
266. 

Cloete (Lieutenant) severely 
wounded, 213. 

Cockburn (Lieutenant) severely 
wounded, 269 ; his death, 
273. 

Cook (Lieutenant) mortally 
wounded, 214. 

Cooke, Captain, 116. 

Cooper, T. T., 360. 

Coote (Col.) commands storm- 
ing party, 128. 

Cotton, Brigadier-General, 41 ; 
attack on Donabew, 42 ; com- 
mand in First War, 75. 

Cotton (Brevet Major) in com- 
mand at Pegu, 158 ; major, 
265. 

Cowie's (Dr. A. J.) Report on 
Population, 334, 337. ' 

Crawfurd's " Embassy to Ava " 
quoted, 354. 

Crisp, C. M. (Mr.), description 
of the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda, 
105. 



Dalhousie (Lord), Governor- 
General at outbreak of Second 
Burmese War, 91 ; arrives at 
Eangoon, 175 ; general order 
at Rangoon, 179; proclama- 
tion, 252; policy of, 275; 
Minute of June 30, 1852, 276 ; 
Secret Committee's reply to, 
278; Minute, August 10, 
1852, 279; Minute, Novem- 
ber 3 and 6, 1852, 283 ; Se- 
cret Committee's reply, 295 ; 
letter to King of Ava, No- 
vember 16, 1852, 295 ; noti- 
fication, June 30, 1853, 310; 
autograph letter to Major 
Hill, 316. 

Dalla, naval attack on, 109'. 

Damant (Mr.) murdered, 424. 

Darroch (Captain) wounded, 
144. _ 

De Jomini (Baron) quoted, 69. 

Dennie (Major) at Eemmindine, 
33, 36. 

Derby (Earl of), speech when 
Premier, 173 ; quotes the 
Duke of Wellington, 463. 

D'Orgoni, a French officer, 217. 

" Diana " steamer, part played 

by, 71. 

Dickenson, Colonel, 204. 

Donabew, partial failure of at- 
tack on, 42, 308, 436, 458, 
461. 

Donaldson (Lieutenant) mor- 
tally wounded, 115. 

Donnahoe, Colour-Sergeant, 271. 

Donnelly (Dr.), on medical edu- 
cation, 334. 

Doodpatlee, Burmese success at, 
20. 

Doran (Lieutenant) mortally 
wounded, 129. 

Dorville, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 

Dost Mahommed Khan, 291. 

Duke (Lieutenant-Colonel),193 ; 
(Brigadier) at Rangoon, 250. 

Dupleix not understood by the 
French, 99. 

31 



482 



INDEX. 



Dweepdee, last of Burmese 
kings, defeated and taken 
prisoner, 7. 

Edwards (Mr.), interpreter at 

Eangoon, 84. 
EUenborough, Earl of, 288, 462. 
Elliott (Colonel K. H.), his 

command, 100. 
Embargo laid on British ships 

at Eangoon, 11, 
Envoys' (Burmese) reception at 

Calcutta, 321. 
Errington (Major)wounded,144. 
Execution of royal personages 

in Burma, 388. 
Expedition to Burma resolved 

upon, February 1853, 94. 

Finances (Indian) after First 
Burmese War, 76-78; of 
British Burma, 350. 

Fiscal system in Burma, 299. 

Fishbourne, Captain, E.N. 

Foord, Colonel, 113, 114; dis- 
abled by sun-stroke, 116. 

Forbes (Mr. Archibald) at the 
Burmese Court, 391. 

Ford (Lieutenant) at White 
House Stockade, 114. 

Forsyth, Sir Douglas, 411. 

" Fox," frigate at Eangoon, 89. 

Eraser (Major), Chief Engineer, 
114, 116 ; grand architect of 
Eangoon, 194. 

Free-trade anticipations disap- 
pointed, 309 (note). 

Funeral, Burmese, 156. 

Fury (Sergeant-Major), killed 
at Donabew, 462. 

Fytche, Captain, 256 (note), 
272, 457. 

Fytche, Colonel, 331, 337. 

Fytche (General Albert) quoted, 
357, 382. 

Games, Burmese, 154. 
Gardner (Captain) killed, 214. 
Godwin, Lieut.-Colonel, 32 ; 



(General) command in Second 
War, 107 ; despatch quoted, 
113 ; official despatch. May 
24, 1852, 146; British force 
under, January 1853, 456 ; 
advance on Prome, 181 ; 
anecdotes of, 187, 189 ; in 
command, 209 ; in the field, 
243 ; want of decision, 249 ; 
general order of, 250 ; leaves 
Eangoon for Prome, 256 ; the 
difference of opinion as to his 
advance on Prome, 281 ; cri- 
ticisms on, 304 ; narrative of 
campaign, 1824-25, 431 ; fare- 
well address to army, 446. 

" Golden Foot," &c., meaning in 
Burmese State phraseology, 
45 (note). 

Goldfinch, Lieutenant, E.N., 35. 

Goldworthy (Colonel) reinforces 
Maulmain, 183. 

Gore, Major, 36. 

Graham, Lieutenant, 262. 

Griffiths (Major) fatally struck 
by coup-de-soleil, 116. 

Hall, Major, 152 ; defence of 

Pegu, 224. 
Harrison, Lieutenant and Adju- 
tant, 116. 
Harrison, Captain, 336. 
Harris, Lieutenant, 209. 
" Havelock's Saints " always 

ready, 71 (note). 
Havelock (Sir H.) quoted, 

" Campaigns in Ava," 132. 
Heat, intense in Burma, 240. 
Henzada, description of, 262. 
" Hermes " steamer at Eangoon, 

89. 
Hewitt, Lieutenant, 128. 
Hewitt (Captain), success at 

Pantauno, 260. 
Hicks (Capt.) at Pegu, 158, 261. 
Higginson's (Governor) letter 

to King of Ava, 1698, 4. 
Hill, Major, 209 ; in garrison at 

Pegu, 223 ; thanked by Go- 



INDEX. 



483 



vernor-G-eneral, 235 ; thanked 

by General Godwin, 250 ; 

autograph letter from Lord 

Dalhousie, 316. 
Hill-tribes dangerous, 289. 
Hogg, Sir James Weir, 288. 
Holdich, Major, 264, 269, 270. 
Holmes (Lieutenant) at Marta- 

ban, 152. 

Impey, Captain, 165. 

Indigenous races, population 
and health of, 328. 

Irawady, high road of the Bur- 
man Empire ; its importance 
in war and to commerce, 24. 

Irby, Captain, 261. 

Isolation, dangers of, 287. 

Johnson, Lieutenant, 266. 

Joomla Meer, invasion of As- 
sam, 6. 

Judson, missionary, 309 (note). 

Judson (Mr. and Mrs.) in cap- 
tivity, 304. 

Karen (the) tribe, 165, 410; 

births and deaths, statistics 

of, 341. 
Kellett, Lieutenant, E.IST., 35. 
Kemmindine. — Sir A Campbell 

defeats the Burmese at, 27 ; 

defeat of Bandoola at, 31, et 

seq. 
Killed and wounded in Second 

War to June 12, 1853, 453. 
Kincaid (Eev. Mr.), American 

missionary, 87; returns to 

Maulmain, 164 ; interview 

with Lord Dalhousie, 179. 
Kokoon stormed by Sir A. 

Campbell, 39. 
KuUy, Burmese army at, 241. 
Kykloo, repulse at, 306. 

Lambert, Commodore, 82, 
84 ; notification of blockade 
of rivers of Kangoon, 88 ; 
additional notification, 98. 



Latter (Captain), interpreter, 
85, 107 ; advises the general, 
128 ; leads the storming 
party, 128 ; at Pegu, 158. 

Lesby, Conductor, 261. 

Littler, Sir John, 283, 295. 

Lewis and Shepperd (Messrs.) 
imprisoned, 82. 

Livingstone, Corporal, 271. 

Lloyd, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 

Loch and his companions, 258. 

Loch (Captain, E.N.), death of, 
458. 

Lockart, Major, 128. 

Looshai tribes and country, 
420, 421. 

Luard, Captain, 93. 

Lushington, Commodore, 96. 

Lynch, Captain, I.N"., 96, 109. 

Lynch, Commodore, 153. 

Macintosh (Lieutenant) at Pegu, 
158. 

McDowall (Colonel) killed at 
Watty- goon, 67. 

MacKellar, Lieutenant, 264. 

McLeod, General, 378. 

McNeill, Brigadier, 193; in 
command of Pegu expedi- 
tion, 209 ; disabled by sun- 
stroke, 214; his death, 217. 

McEeagh's (Brigadier) com- 
mand against Eangoon, 22, 
41. 

Madras Fusiliers, strength 
and losses, 454. 

Magrath, Lieutenant, 261. 

Maha Nemiou killed at Prome, 
52. 

Maha Bandoola, Commander, 
(see Bandoola,) 29. 

Mallet, Lieutenant-Colonel, 32, 
34, 37. 

Malloch, Captain, 127 (note), 
209. 

Malown, attack on, (see Melloon.) 
437. 

Mandalay becomes the capital, 
379. 



484 



INDEX. 



" Mandalay to Momien," 353. 

Mandalay, fortifications of, 
1879, 403; political parties 
in, 408; withdrawal of the 
British Resident from, 426 ; 
population of, 427 ; " Ga- 
zette," 473. 

Margary (Mr.), fate of, 362. 

Marr (Dr.) on Vaccination, 
334, 337. 

Marry at (Captain) on the Ira- 
wady, 72. 

Martaban, preparations to at- 
tack, 102-106; attacked by 
Burmese, 152 ; column, 
strength of, 454. 

Mason (Lieutenant, R.jST.), nar- 
row escape, 226. 

Mason (Dr.), statistics of births 
and deaths, 340. 

Mason, Eev. P., missionary, 
309 ; reference to his work, 
440. 

Mayne (Lieutenant) atPegu,158. 

Meaday, once an important 
town, 74, 465. 

Melloon, Burmese and British 
envoys meet near, 63 ; Sir A. 
Campbell's attack on, 437 ; 
situation of, 74. 

Mengdon-Meng, King, 378. 

Memiaboo, after defeat, re- 
treats, 54. 

Meteorology of Burma, 459. 

Miles (Lieut-Colonel) captures 
Burmese seaports, 28, 37. 

Minerals in Upper Burma, 369- 
374, 409. 

Mission, withdrawal from 
Mandalay, 4^66-67. 

Mitcheson (Lieutenant) se- 
verely wounded, 261. 

Mogul Empire, Gibbon's 

opinion of, 1. 

Mongolian race warlike, 2. 

Montgomery (Major) in com- 
mand of artillery, 100 ; leads 
the advance on New Rangoon, 
125 ; death of, 166. 



Morison, Brigadier-General, 41. 

Mortality among the troops, 
449. 

Moung-Bwosh, Governor of 
Martaban, 152. 

Moung-Shoay-Wang at Marta- 
ban, 154. 

MuUins, Lieutenant, 261. 

Murray (Captain) at Kemmin- 
dine, 34. 

Myat-htoon, bandit chief of 
Donabew, and Soult com- 
pared, 257, 258 ; entirely de- 
feated, 271 ; British losses in 
operations against, 273. 

Myat-za (Karen chieftain) at 
Rangoon, 259. 

Nagas, the, 420 ; their religion, 

423. 
jSTapadee, Burmese driven back 

to, 51 ; Burmese routed at, 52. 
Napier (Admiral Sir Charles), 

anecdote of, 265. 
Negrais, massacre of English 

at, 1759, 8. 
Neill, General, 236 (note). 
Neoun-ben-Zeik, conference at, 

51. 
Newton's (Major) successes, 20. 
Niblett, Captain, I.N., 158. 
Nicolay (Captain) killed, 234. 
Noton (Captain) defeated and 

slain, 21. 
Nuthall, Captain, 302 and note. 

Oakes (Major) in command, 99 ; 
at White House stockade, 
114 ; receives his death-blow, 
114 ; his death and character, 
117. 

Operations, remarks on, in First 
Burmese War, 64. 

Ophir, identity with Pegu, 440. 

Opportunity lost at Kully, 248. 

"Oriental," P. and O. steamer, 
195. 



INDEX. 



485 



Pagahm-Mew, British victory 
at, 55, 308 ; situation of, 74, 

Pagan-Meng, King, 378. 

Pagoda, gilding the great, 326 ; 
capture of, 441. 

Parlbj, Lieutenant-Colonel, 37. 

Patkoi, meaning of, 439. 

Pegu. — Conquered by Burmese 
in sixteenth century, 3 ; re- 
gained its independence, 7 ; 
geographical description of, 74, 
158 ; expedition against town 
of, 158 ; captured, June 1852, 
161 ; capture and occupation 
described, 209 ; suggested 
identity with Ophir, 440; 
trade and prospects of pro- 
vince, 346 ; town attacked by 
Burmese, 216 ; surrounded, 
218 ; military operations at, 
221; defence by Major Hill, 
224; relief of, measures for, 
235, 236 ; relieved, 249 ; an- 
nexation of, 251, 255 (note); 
boundary of, 309 (note) ; 
troops in, 1864, 313 ; miae- 
ral wealth of, 411. 

Pepper (Colonel), advance upon 
Toungoo, 75. 

Percival, Lieutenant, 264. 

Phagy-dan,King of Burma, 376. 

Phayre (Captain), Commissioner 
of Pegu, 250, 294, 300, 322, 
328 (note), 352, 357, 381. 

Phayre, Sir Arthur P., 319. 

"Phlegethon" steamer at Ran- 
goon, 89. 

Piper (Captain) at Kemmindine, 
34. 

Population, &c. of indigenous 
races, 328. 

" Precursor " steamer at Kyook 
Phyoo, 91. 

Preston, Private, 271. 

Preston, Sergeant, 271. 

Price (Dr.) sent to British com- 
mander by King of Ava, 54, 
304. 



Prisoners liberated, 303. 

Proclamation by Lord Dal- 
housie, 252. 

Progress of King Theebau, 386- 
400. 

Prome, advance on, 49 ; Sir A. 
Campbell's entrance into, 50 ; 
Sir A. Campbell defeats Bur- 
mese besiegers, 51 ; occupied 
by Commander Tarleton, 168 ; 
Captain Tarleton's expedition, 
443. 

" Proserpine " steamer at Ran- 
goon, 86. 

Quarters of troops after war, 
312. 

Quin, Sergeant- Major, 271. 

Quinn (Mr. Conductor) libe- 
rated, 303. 

Races, indigenous, health of, 328. 

Railway in Burma, 388. 

Rangoon. — Embargo laid on 
British ships, 1811, 11, 13; 
captured by British, May 
1824, 23 ; new town, founded 
by Tharawadi, 96; naval ope- 
rations before, 107 ; garrison 
of, 136 ; return of killed, 
wounded, and missing in 
storming of, 138 ; develop- 
ment of, 324 ; population of, 
345; sanitary condition of 
troops at, 1824, 432 ; particu- 
lars of capture, 442. 

Reid, Major, 95, 113, 261, 270 ; 
wounded, 270. 

Renaud, Captain, 236. 

Renegade shot in action, 120. 

Revenues of Burma, 314, 350. 

Rice (Captain) wounded, 144. 

Rice, Lieutenant, R.K., 144. 

Richards, Lieut.-Colonel, 41. 

Rockets, effectiveness of, in 
First Burmese War, 72. 

Rundall (Captain) in command 
of Sappers, 114. 

Ryves, Captain, 35. 



48G 



INDEX. 



St- Barbe (Mr.) quoted, 410, 

412, 426; withdrawal from 

Mandalay, 466. 
St. Maur (Colonel), disabled in 

action by sun-stroke, 116. 
Sale (Major) at Kemmindine, 

32, 36, 41; liberates Mrs. 

Judson, 134 ; at Bassein, 434. 
Sandford, Assist.-Surgeon, 55. 
Sanitary condition of troops at 

Rangoon, 432, 
Saunders, Mr. Trelawney, 418. 
Scindiab's good government, 78. 
Scott, Brigade-Major, 113. 
Seaton, Major, 244. 
Sbadwell, Captain, E.N., 205 
Shan ladies in First Burmese 

War, 13, 52, 394 (note). 
Shan tribes, 364, 394; countries, 

366. 
Shaw (Mr.) and King Theebau, 
■ 387, 398. 
Shaw (Resident), death of, 402 ; 

eulogy on, by Secretary of 

State, 470. 
Shemburen, or Shembuan, suc- 
ceeds Alompra, 10. 
" Shoe question," 396, 406. 
Shortland, Lieutenant, 209. 
Shouldham, Brigadier-General, 

41. 
Shubrick, Major, 209. 
Shuparee attacked by Burmese, 

September 24, 1823, 20. 
Shway Ban, bandit chief, 259. 
Shwe-Dagon Pagoda, advance 

on, 122 ; captured the second 

time, 129. 
Shwe-gyeen, 256 : troops at, 1864, 

313 ; troops at, 1879, 429. 
Singleton, Captain, 262, 268. 
Sladen's (Major) expedition, 

360, 361, 363. 
Sladen (Captain) at Mandalay, 

380, 382. 
Smith (Dr.) slightly wounded, 

127. 
Smith (Captain), Deputy-Com- 
missioner, 262. 



Snodgrass, Major, 43 ; character 
of Bandoola, 47. 

Soonderbuns (the), origin of, 6. 

Spiers (Mr.) liberated, 303. 

Steel (Brigadier- General), C.B., 
193, 238, 243, 256 (note), 
313. 

Sturt (Colonel) commands ex- 
pedition to Pegu, 158 ; forces 
under, 241, 242, 264, 267. 

Symes (Colonel) concludes 
treaty with Burma, 11. 

Tantabain, Lieutenant-Colonel 

Godwin at, 433. 
Tarleton, Commander (Sir J. 

W.), 158 ; occupies Prome, 

168, 443 ; releases Myat- 

htoon's captives, 272. 
Tayler, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 
Taylor (Lieutenant) mortally 

wounded, 270. 
" Tenasserim provinces " ceded 

to British, 15. 
Tharawadi, King, 377. 
Theebau, King, 374, 386; vic- 
tims of, 397, 398, 426 ; tarifE 

of, 414 ; head queen of, 427. 
Thornhill, Major, 36. 
Tonghoo, or Toungoo, situation 

of, 74. 
Transport, cost of, in Burmese 

and Chinese wars, 188. 
Travers, Captain, 246 and note. 
Treaties, Eastern disregard of, 

284, 285, 291. 
Treaty of 24th February, 1826, 

56 ; draft of, 1852, 296. 
Trevor (Lieutenant) wounded, 

116, 261, 271. 
Troops in Pegu, 1864, 313. 
Tudor, Colonel, 199, 209. 
Turton, Major, 113, 128, 199. 

Umrapoora (Amarapura), situ- 
ation of, 74. 

Volunteers for Burma, 448. 
Yoyle (Lieutenant) ordered to 
Maulmain, 95. 



INDEX. 



487 



Waliab's (Major) command 
against Eangoon, 22, 36. 

Walker (Major) killed, 36. 

Wants in warfare. Correct in- 
formation, 274 ; sufficient 
provisions, 274. 

War declared against Burma by 
British Grovernment, March 5, 
1824, 12, 20. 

Warfare, Burmese tactics in, 
243 and note. 

Warren (Brigadier) disabled in 
action, 116. 

Watty-goon, repulses at, 306. 

Welchman, Major, 204. 

Wellesley's (Marquis) Grovern- 
ment, 11. 

Wellington (Duke of) on the 
Second Burmese War, 463. 

White House Stockade, descrip- 
tion of, 118. 



White, Lieutenant, 128. 
Whitlock (Lieutenant) severely 

wounded, 213. 
Wigstou, Major, 261, 264, 268 ; 

wounded, 269. 
Williams (Lieutenant) in action, 

115 ; death of, 273. 
Wilson (Captain, 38th Eegi- 

ment) at Kemmindine, 34, 

37. 
Wolseley, Ensign, (Sir Garnet,) 

257 (note), 270; severely 

wounded at Donabew, 271. 
Wyndham, Captain, 209. 

Yandaboo, treaty of, 15. 
Yates, Major, 32. 

Zaloon, Sir John Cheape's move- 
ment on, 262. 



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